Bicol, home to the majestic Mount Mayon, is among the country’s most disaster-prone regions. It is regularly battered by storms and other calamities that test the resilience of its people year after year.

Rogelio Barajas, a resident of Legazpi City in Albay for over five decades, will never forget how Typhoon “Reming” (international name: Durian) unleashed lahar flow from the slopes of Mayon in 2006 that swept through his village, Barangay Mabinit, and claimed the lives of hundreds of his neighbors.

Nearly twenty years on, Barajas has forgotten the names of the dead, but the politicians who came to their aid remain etched in his memory.

“We were stripped bare, left with nothing but the clothes on our backs when ‘Reming’ struck, causing the lahar flow. So when they arrived, bearing aid, our gratitude was immense and overwhelming,” Barajas told the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ).

Many survivors of disasters in Bicol have the same story to tell, said climate activist John Emmanuel Tayo, a volunteer of Greenpeace Philippines in the island province of Catanduanes.

“Most politicians here cultivate an image of heroism by personally appearing on the ground during crises … Their brief speeches during aid distribution events invariably emphasize that the relief is a direct result of their personal efforts,” he said.

Nowhere is this dynamic more visible than in the transformation of SOS-Bicol—a nongovernment organization originally formed to assist calamity victims—into Ako Bicol (AKB) party-list group, which now holds two seats in the House of Representatives.

But many of Bicol’s politicians could have done more. PCIJ’s research and interviews show they either supported or did not oppose government projects blamed for environmental abuses that have increased communities’ vulnerability to calamities.

Bicol region is home to several political dynasties, including the Khos of Masbate—considered among the most “obese” in the country with at least five family members seeking public office in May.

It also hosts the political dynasties of the Cos of Albay, Villafuertes of Camarines Sur, and the Padilla dynasty in Camarines Norte, now led by Senator Robin Padilla.

Mahar Lagmay, a professor at the National Institute of Geological Sciences at the University of the Philippines-Diliman, said the Bicol River Basin is a disaster risk hotspot that demands active government intervention and public preparedness.

Political leaders, he said, have a duty to address hazards through careful community planning. But the lack of proper hazard mapping significantly increases people’s exposure to risks.

“An ounce of prevention is better than a pound of cure,’’ he said.

In Catanduanes, Greenpeace volunteer Tayo blamed illegal mining for the disaster that followed the onslaught of typhoons “Pepito” and “Kristine” last year,

In Albay, Bishop Joel Baylon of the Catholic Diocese of Legazpi—along with other Catholic Church leaders—also blamed quarry operations for the flooding.

Vic Lawrence Moya, a political scientist and a resident of Camarines Norte, also pointed out the irony that relief distribution often peaks just as elections draw near.

The culture of debt of gratitude powers the political machinery of dynasties, making it nearly impossible for new challengers to compete, said Moya.

It is the same in Masbate, said resident Ma. Rizza Francisco, now based in Albay, a student leader advocating for political reforms in the region.

Lagmay has criticized politicians for pushing flood control projects that fail to deliver results. These projects were scrutinized following devastation from typhoons “Kristine” and “Pepito” last year, where Camarines Sur was the hardest hit.

The flood control projects in Sorsogon had also previously come under scrutiny.

The quarry operations of the Cos in Albay

Ako Bicol traces its roots to SOS-Bicol, a non-governmental organization originally formed to assist victims of calamities such as Mayon Volcano eruptions and the frequent typhoons that strike the region.

It would go on to launch the political career of Elizaldy Co, who rose to become a powerful figure in the House of Representatives—until his recent removal in January as chair of the appropriations committee following a controversial budget dispute.

When it joined the party list race in 2010, Ako Bicol received over a million votes and secured three seats for its top three nominees—Co’s brother Christopher Co; Rodel Batocabe; and Alfredo Garbin.

Elizaldy is seeking reelection as the first nominee of Ako Bicol party list group. Christopher is now seeking a fresh term as Albay’s second district representative. Their sister, Farida “Diday” Co, a political neophyte, is now running for vice governor in the province.

Christopher’s daughter Angelica Natasha Co won a House seat in 2022 representing the Barangay Health Workers (BHW) party list group. She is the group’s No. 1 nominee in this year’s midterm elections.

Should they all win, three clan members will be sitting in the House, while one will serve as vice governor.

The party list group maintains its image as a provider of aid, regularly distributing relief during calamities. But the Cos also operate quarries in the province.

Sunwest Group Holding, Inc.—a conglomerate established by the Co family in 1997 with interests in construction, energy, shopping malls, and real estate – operates quarries in Legazpi and Daraga, including the village where Barajas resides.

According to 2020 data from Mines and Geosciences Bureau (MGB), it is also the sole operator with an industrial sand and gravel (ISAG) permit in Albay.

“We cannot deny that this is part of the relentless destruction of the mountains here—the quarrying and the construction of roads through the irresponsible digging of land,” said Bishop Joel Baylon of the Catholic Diocese of Legazpi during a November 2024 press conference, where he urged President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. to probe uncontrolled quarrying in the region.

He joined many Catholic church leaders in blaming the flooding during typhoons like “Kristine” and “Pepito” in 2024 on quarrying operations in Albay.

“That is why there are no more trees whose roots can keep the land stable despite heavy rain,” Baylon said.

The bishop said they wanted the government to regulate, not stop, quarrying in the province.

Quarrying provides livelihood for many families in Albay, but the unchecked extraction of volcanic materials has worsened flooding during typhoons, leaving communities trapped between economic survival and growing environmental risks.

Elizaldy Co claimed to have divested from the corporation after it was linked to controversies involving government contracts, including the Pharmally scandal and the Department of Education’s laptop procurement deal.

But a new investigation by Rappler shows that he and his family remain as active shareholders of business tied to the company.

Rep. Joey Salceda of the second district, known for his “zero casualty” campaign during typhoons, also allowed quarry operations when he was governor from 2007 to 2016.

Salceda’s successor, former governor Noel Rosal, tried to regulate quarry operations in the province. On his first day in office in 2022, Rosal issued Executive Order No. 1, temporarily suspending quarrying operations in the province.

However, quarrying resumed shortly after, with Rosal acknowledging the economic benefits it brought the community.

In Camarines Norte, aid pours in when elections approach

In Camarines Norte, Vic Lawrence Moya, a political science graduate of Bicol University and a resident of the province, said the culture of debt of gratitude fuels the dynasties’ political machinery, making it impossible for new challengers to compete against them.

“If there are candidates who do not come from political dynasties, they lack the machinery to contest the culture of money politics and command popularity votes,” he said.

He said aid from politicians also tends to pour in whenever an election approaches. He recalled how aid was scarce at the height of the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020, but began to pour in as the 2022 campaign period approached.

“In the aftermath of the pandemic, aid continued to be distributed among our residents, but it was most prevalent before the start of the campaign period, usually facilitated by our district representatives,” he said.

Camarines Norte has many enduring political dynasties, including the Padilla, Tallado, and Panotes families.

The Padilla political dynasty has established a significant and lasting presence in Camarines Norte, with its roots dating back to the mid-20th century. Roy Padilla Sr., the family patriarch, held various local and provincial positions before he was assassinated in Labo town in 1988.

Roy Padilla Jr. carried on the family’s political legacy and served as the provincial governor. His brother, actor Robin Padilla, is a senator. Their brother Ricarte “Bong” Padilla is the incumbent governor of Camarines Norte and is seeking reelection.

Padilla’s main opponent, Edgardo Tallado, has also established his family’s political dominance. His wife Josie Tallado currently represents the 1st District in the House, while their son Alvin Tallado has repeatedly run for mayor in Labo.

The tenure of the political dynasty over the last 15 years was haunted by complaints about the elder Tallado’s issuance of quarrying and mining permits to companies.

A complaint submitted to then Local Government Secretary Jesse Robredo in 2012 alleged that Talledo’s issuance of permits to mining companies led to the weakening of soil and dumping of hazardous substances into more than 40 hectares of corals and marine life in the waters off Barangay Bagumbayan.

Robredo investigated the allegations, which Tallado denied. More complaints were filed against Tallado over mining operations in 2014 and 2016.

The DENR has warned that several towns in the province are at risk of soil liquefaction due to mining. In 2024, Camarines Norte was among the provinces hit by widespread flooding.

Moya said residents of Camarines Norte have long been aware of the issues, but continue to vote for the same politicians.

“CamNorteños vote for members of political dynasties every election because we are not given other choices,” Moya said.

Camarines Sur under scrutiny after ‘Kristine’

Camarines Sur also has an enduring political dynasty: the Villafuertes.

Since the martial law era, members of the clan have been swapping positions to keep their control of the province. They have come under criticism over their handling of disaster response.

The Villafuertes were criticized after severe Tropical Storm “Kristine” unleashed flooding in the province last year. In response they claimed that they had been preoccupied with distributing packs of relief goods to their constituents.

Notwithstanding the criticisms against them, seven members of the clan are vying for various local positions on May 12.

Incumbent 2nd District Rep. Luis Raymond “L-Ray” Villafuerte is aiming to switch positions with his son, incumbent Gov. Vincenzo Renato Luigi Villafuerte. His other son, 5th District Rep. Miguel Luis “Migz” Villafuerte, is also seeking reelection.

L-Ray’s wife, Lara Maria Villafuerte, and son, Julio Mari Villafuerte, are listed as nominees of Bicol Saro, a party list group endorsed by actress Yassi Pressman, who is Luigi’s girlfriend.

Toots De Quiros, who is running against Leni Robredo for the mayoral post in Naga City, and Nonoy Villafuerte Magtuto, who is running for the 3rd District Representative post, are cousins of L-Ray.

After “Kristine,” the Senate also inquired into the status of funds for flood protection projects in the Bicol region—P29.4 billion in 2023 and P31.9 billion in 2024

Out of these, Camarines Sur received over P2.175 billion in 2023 and P2.188 billion in 2024 for flood protection and mitigation projects. The projects proved ineffective against flooding on the watch of the Villafuertes.

Lagmay has criticized flood control projects and other expensive infrastructure that fail to deliver results.

“We need to move people out of harm’s way by establishing truly safe evacuation centers. That is more important than allocating resources to flood control solutions that we know have not worked for a long time,” he told PCIJ.

“We have spent so much time and resources on flood control projects, and even when they fail, there is no accountability or responsibility from the authorities. Not learning from our mistakes is a serious oversight,” he said.

Sorsogon flood projects, too

In Sorsogon, before the Covid-19 pandemic, the Hamor political dynasty found itself in the middle of a budget “insertion” controversy involving funding for flood protection projects in Casiguran town.

When Jose Edwin “Boboy” Hamor was mayor of the town, the late Camarines Sur Rep. Rolando G. Andaya Jr. (first district) accused then Budget Secretary Benjamin E. Diokno of allocating funds to Casiguran as a favor to the Hamor family, citing links between the secretary’s daughter to now Sorsogon City Mayor Ester Hamor.

Andaya argued that other provinces were more in need of the funding than Sorsogon.

The Hamors denied allegations of favoritism. The contract was ultimately awarded to Aremar Construction, a company largely owned by “Boboy” Hamor, incumbent Sorsogon governor, and husband of Ester Hamor.

The daughter of Bobby and Ester, Maria Minez “EM” Hamor, is mayor of Casiguran town.

Small scale mining in Catanduanes

Catanduanes also reeled from the devastation of “Kristine” and “Pepito” in 2024.

Greenpeace’s Tayo said continued mining operations in the province have not helped build the province’s resilience. Catanduanes was declared coal mining-free in 2023, but he said small-scale mines continue to operate in remote villages.

Tayo said this is evident In Barangay Dugui in Virac, where he lives. His neighborhood suffered from the onslaught of the two typhoons last year.

“The mining village is consistently ravaged by typhoons due to the absence of essential infrastructure like bridges and the profound environmental degradation in the area,” said Tayo. “This has been a long-standing crisis, yet effective solutions remain elusive.”

Dugui’s geographical isolation further compounds the danger. Residents of this remote community in Virac must navigate rivers and streams to reach safety during storms.

Aside from Dugui, the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) has confirmed illegal coal extraction in Barangay Cabuyoan, Panganiban town. However, only local farmers and residents were identified, while the owners, operators, and even the buyers of the illegally mined coal remained unnamed.

The Cua political dynasty has ruled politics in the province since the 1980s.

Joseph “Boboy” C. Cua is the incumbent governor, while his brother Peter “Boste” C. Cua is the vice governor. Boboy is now vying for Virac mayor while Boste seeks to succeed him as governor.

Masbate’s fault lines

Masbate faces constant threat from active offshore faults running through various towns, including Mandaon, Milagros, Aroroy, Balud, San Fernando, and Monreal.

The DENR in 2023 called for the urgency of reviewing the local government’s long-term development plans, citing reclamation and urbanization projects that have put residents closer to the faults.

“Every election, we hear them promise improvements in the safeguards against calamities,” lamented Ma. Rizza Francisco, a resident of Masbate City.

Francisco, who is now based in Albay, is a student leader advocating for political reforms in the region. “Though residents are aware that such promises never materialize, we have no real alternatives because they monopolize power in our province,” she said.

The Kho family, which has established a near-total monopoly of public office, has allowed mining operations in the province.

Patriarch Antonio T. Kho, a former governor and representative, is now seeking the 1st District congressional seat. His son, incumbent Rep. Richard Kho, is running for governor, while his wife, Vice Gov. Elisa “Olga” Kho, is vying for the 2nd District seat.

Their daughter Olga “Ara” T. Kho is a former mayor and second district representative, and their son Wilton “Tonton” T. Kho is a former third district representative. Wilton’s wife Kristine “Tintin” Salve H. Kho is the mayor of Mandaon town.

Masbate residents rely on the Khos to provide social services and relief aid, said Francisco.

“Out of no choice, people go to their offices or go to their house to ask for medical assistance—which these politicians use to promote patronage politics,” she said.

Even disaster warning signals for the populace have allegedly been used for political gain.

The alleged use of text blast machines by some candidates from the Kho clan for their campaign has prompted a show-cause order from the Commission on Elections.

Lagmay warned that this manipulation of emergency alerts not only raises serious concerns about data privacy and the clan’s overreaching power, but also risks eroding public trust.

This erosion could have catastrophic consequences, endangering residents when genuine calamity warnings need to be communicated urgently and effectively.

“We must not exploit the suffering of others,” Lagmay said. “This platform is designed to alleviate suffering and save lives, not for self-interest and political gain.”