Escudero’s postponement of the June 2 presentation of the articles of impeachment to June 11 has triggered speculation that the Senate would scuttle Duterte’s impeachment trial altogether.

“That can’t be discounted,” Drilon told CoverStory.ph in a phone interview.

“But the Supreme Court can exercise its jurisdiction to correct abuse of discretion,” he said. “It can order the Senate President to convene [the Senate into an impeachment court] and proceed with the trial.”

A petition for certiorari “to correct abuse of discretion” may be filed at the high court, according to Drilon, himself a former Senate president and also a former justice secretary.

Escudero informed House Speaker Martin Romualdez of the postponement on May 29, when a Malacañang-Congress liaison body identified certain priority measures ostensibly to be passed before the lawmakers adjourn sine die on June 14.

The postponement drew more rebuke from lawmakers including Sen. Risa Hontiveros, who said in a statement: “These delays are no longer procedural. They are obstructions dressed up as protocol.”

“It’s my first time to see a ball being dribbled for four months. Even in basketball, there is such a thing called shot clock,” she said.

Hontiveros described the impeachment process as “a crucial means of demanding accountability exclusively entrusted by the people to the Senate.”

“I have no plans of turning my back on that,” she said. “It’s time to follow the rules and start the process ‘forthwith.’ Enough games. Time to move.”

‘Evasive definitions’

Outgoing Camarines Sur Rep. Gabriel Bordado Jr. told CoverStory.ph on Tuesday that by dragging its feet on the trial, the Senate has been abetting “the erosion of democracy” in the country.

“They are expected to act [on the impeachment complaint] forthwith, but they are trying to come up with evasive definitions,” he said.

In a privilege speech at the House of Representatives on Monday night, Bordado slammed Escudero’s postponement of the presentation of the articles of impeachment by the chamber’s prosecutors. “Is this delay not, in effect, a compromise of our solemn duty as public servants sworn to uphold the Constitution?” he said.

Bordado, who was elected vice mayor of Naga City in the May 12 midterm polls, said he feared that the delay would lead to the scuttling of the trial in the face of legal arguments that the charges against Duterte may become moot if the Senate fails to act on these by the end of the 19th Congress on June 30.

“They are not just delaying it; they are doing away with the impeachment trial. That’s what I fear most,” he told CoverStory.ph.

Escudero has repeatedly said that senators in the 20th Congress—whose first regular session will open on July 28—will have the final say on whether the trial would proceed or not.

Bordado is among the 215 House members who impeached Duterte over allegations of bribery, corruption, and culpable violation of the Constitution in connection with the alleged misuse of some P612 million in confidential funds at the Office of the Vice President and the Department of Education, which she headed from 2022 to 2024.

Collegial body

Drilon said the Senate, even with a new composition following the election of 12 senators in the midterm elections, can still try Duterte in the 20th Congress.

“The premise is that the senator-judges in the 19th Congress—or at least half of them—will no longer sit in the impeachment court in the 20th Congress. I don’t subscribe to that,” Drilon said.

He added: “An impeachment court is collegial in nature, like the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeals. In the Supreme Court, justices retire. It doesn’t mean that the new court with newly appointed justices is deprived of jurisdiction to decide on the cases pending at the time of retirement.

“It’s the same doctrine here. You don’t lose jurisdiction simply because by force of law there’s a change in membership. It’s a collegial body, and the collegial body continues. It’s the principal entity. Composition can change, but the court itself remains.”

In February, Drilon called on President Marcos Jr. to call a special session of Congress to allow the Senate to try Duterte and reach a decision before the midterm elections.

The President has distanced himself from the impeachment of Duterte, who was his close ally until their UniTeam collapsed. His cousin, Speaker Romualdez, and his son, Ilocos Norte Rep. Sandro Marcos, were the first signatories of the impeachment complaint.

Jurisdiction

On Monday, Sen. Francis Tolentino raised the issue of jurisdiction. He argued that the power to try Duterte is vested in the Senate in the 19th Congress and is not transferable to the Senate in the 20th Congress.

Sen. Aquilino Pimentel III and Hontiveros disagreed with him.

Pimentel pointed out that the 1987 Constitution does not prohibit the Senate from resuming an impeachment process begun in the previous Congress.

Hontiveros said the Supreme Court has made it clear that impeachment is a non-legislative function of the Senate. She cited the case of Chavez v. Judicial and Bar Council.

Likewise, she said, the high court ruled that non-legislative functions of the Senate are not affected by the shift from the 19th to the 20th Congress. She cited the cases of Pimentel Jr. v. Joint Committee of Congress.

“It is true that the 19th Congress cannot bind the 20th Congress—and all unfinished business will be terminated. But this is only true for any work done by us in the exercise of our legislative functions,” Hontiveros further said in response to Tolentino.

Drilon said that in the face of delays, the senator-judges have the primary responsibility to decide on the articles of impeachment, and the “burden to fulfill their constitutional duty.”

“Unfortunately, the remedy for [the non-fulfillment of such duty] is political,’’ he said, referring to the mass protests mounted against the senator-judges’ vote against the opening of a key piece of evidence at the trial of then impeached President Joseph Estrada in January 2001.

The protests—commonly referred to as “Edsa Dos”—led to Estrada’s resignation from the presidency.

Drilon declined to speculate if delays in the current proceedings would trigger street protests.

Bordado, for his part, expressed doubt that protests would materialize given Duterte’s high approval ratings in the surveys.

Asked how Escudero would redeem himself or the impeachment process, he said: “I can’t see the redemption. [The Senate] should have tackled the impeachment trial first.”

The Senate’s priorities

In his speech at the House on Monday night, Bordado questioned the sense of the Senate in prioritizing the passage of 12 measures over the “pursuit of justice and accountability.”

“Are we to tell the Filipino people that impeachable offenses committed by the second highest official of the land are less urgent than our legislative targets?” he said.

Bordado said he signed the articles of impeachment “with the full weight of my responsibility as assistant minority leader and as a representative of the people of Camarines Sur.”

“We cannot allow this delay to erode public trust. We cannot allow political expediency to blunt the sword of accountability. We must not forget that our allegiance is not to any political party or personality—it is to the people, to the Constitution, and to the truth,” he said, adding:

“As legislators, we are often measured not by what we pass, but by what we permit. If we permit delay in the face of alleged abuses of power, then we, too, become complicit in the erosion of our democracy.”

Read more: Vice President Sara Duterte is impeached

The post If Escudero does not convene the Senate into an impeachment court, the high court can make him–Drilon appeared first on CoverStory.

I almost lost mine to Covid-19. 

For two days I had fever approaching 40°C. After getting a routine swab test just because I wanted to get lab tests done at a nearby hospital, I tested positive for Covid. My parents reported my case to officials of our barangay, who decided that, so as not to endanger my senior folks, I had to be admitted to the Manila Covid-19 facility, a structure made up of shipping container vans converted into wards for patients.

That was in 2021. None of us in the family had been vaccinated yet. I, for one, was not part of any priority group, and the first batch of vaccines was just about to be administered in the Philippines. 

By then, my fever had subsided. As I packed my bag for a 2-week stay, as advised by the health officer, my feelings oscillated between psyching myself that it was just like any other trip I would take and wondering if it was the last time I would be packing my bag—or seeing my parents.

An ambulance arrived at my house. As I stepped inside, I found at least four other persons present. We sat side by side, as though in a school bus, as the ambulance zoomed onward to collect three other persons before we headed to the facility. 

Admission

When we got there, I could barely lift my bag. I needed help getting down from the ambulance and up the few steps into the facility. As I waited to get my X-ray done, as well as all the preliminaries required for admission, I had difficulty breathing. 

It was a new feeling, unlike having to catch my breath after intense aerobic exercise. I did everything I usually would when I needed to breathe in, but I did not feel air entering my lungs. 

Once admitted, I was assigned a bed in Ward 10 that was more than 10 meters away from the toilets. I found that I had to get up and start walking long before I actually needed to use the toilet because the time and effort required to lift myself from the bed and walk the distance were so great. I had to regulate my breathing to keep myself upright and moving forward. I thought: When was the last time I paid any attention to how I walked? It must have been when I was a child and learning to walk.

That night and many successive nights, I lay in bed, tears streaming down the sides of my face, and telling God that I was ready to go. I had the gall to tell the Creator that He could take me, just please make sure my parents were spared.

Since the pandemic started, I had formed the habit of attending daily Mass online. The Covid facility had a good wifi signal, so I was able to continue that habit. They also played the Divine Mercy Prayer every 3 p.m. on the TV sets that dotted the ward. 

Singing praises to Nature 

All around us, I could see the greenery of Luneta through big windows. From my bed, if I craned my head a certain way, I could see a statue of San Lorenzo Ruiz, one of my patron saints, standing under a huge tree. I had not known there was one there.

I spent much time during the first days just looking out the window as the colors changed at dawn, at the tree branches that swayed with the breeze, at the birds and dragonflies and butterflies that flew past, and as the sun sank low, signaling the end of each day—another day that I had survived.

I did not lose my sense of taste or smell, thank God. We had regular meals brought to us and sometimes, a friend would have food delivered for me. The package would undergo screening and disinfection before arriving at my bedside.

The doctors, nurses, and support staff at the facility were all very compassionate and helpful; they encouraged each of us to get healthy. 

Almost daily, there would be someone released from confinement. But there was one woman who stayed in bed in all the three days that she was there—and then she was gone. According to the murmurs, she was transferred to a hospital.

There were many senior patients in my ward. But once, there were a mother and her son, all of three years old. He even celebrated a birthday there. The nurses brought balloons, gave him a cake and a small gift. We all sang The Birthday Song.

Recovery and release

On the fifth day of my confinement, I could feel sure signs of recovery. I no longer had fever, I could breathe better, and I could walk around more easily. I resumed performing some basic yoga breathing and stretching techniques on my bed. Soon, I was able to move along to the daily Zumba classes they flashed onscreen.

Patients were informed of their release only the night before, after which they had to accomplish the paperwork.

I did not know when I would be cleared to go home. I prayed to St. Pio of Pietrelcina, to whom I started a devotion as the pandemic started, that I would be released on his feast day, but it did not happen. I thought my discharge might occur on the feast day of St. Lorenzo Ruiz, but I was still in the facility when it came around. 

But one fateful night, I received the paper that we were all awaiting. I filled out the form and discovered that I had recovered from pneumonia in my lower right lung.

I left the facility on the feast of the Archangels with a piece of paper stamped with a dry seal and issued by the City of Manila health services office. stating: “Certification: Covid-19 Survivor.

Since then, I have been pondering why I am still on this earth. I have tried to live life more simply and to do more good things. I try to live from day to day and to make sure that the people I meet will feel God’s love through me. I am not always successful: There are times when I am grumpy and impatient. But I try. Many times, I manage to make random strangers smile at my greeting.

I was certified as a “Laudato Si Animator” on the 10th anniversary of the Laudato Si encyclical issued by Pope Francis. It is an endeavor very close to my heart because I have always felt a close affinity with nature. I hope that through my volunteer activity of providing ecological education to children, I can contribute to caring for our common home in the places that I stay. 

My first activity was with 21 children, aged 7 to 13, from low-income families in Manila. My interaction with them in the course of an afternoon left me thinking that as long as they carry their strong concern, their malasakit, for the environment, there is hope for the world.

Read more: A poetic documentation of the Philippine Covid-19 experience

The post Recalling my bout with Covid-19 and living my ‘Laudato Si’ appeared first on CoverStory.

It’s the same number as before the May 12 elections, based on PCIJ’s map, but the names are not always the same.

About 58 ruling clans retained control of provincial leadership, while eight defeated members of rival political clans. Four other governors-elect will replace sitting dynastic governors who either allied with them or did not field a family member to keep their post.

In one instance, a dynastic governor will replace a non-dynastic one. This is the case in Batangas where Vilma Santos-Recto will assume the post to be vacated by Hermilindo Mandanas who is sliding down as vice governor.

Despite the outcomes, the clans did not always win gubernatorial races with ease. A deeper study of the electoral contests revealed continuing resistance to dynastic rule, with some successes even if few.

Batanes, Nueva Vizcaya, Benguet, Ifugao, Kalinga, Bulacan and Agusan del Sur remained the rare oases where dynasties do not rule the Capitol, even if clans prevail in the cities and the towns.

But four provinces shone in this year’s elections—Cebu, Catanduanes, Laguna, and Marinduque—where voters rejected the gubernatorial bid of ruling clans and chose candidates not known to be from dynasties.

4 provinces in the spotlight

Among non-dynast victors is political newcomer Pamela Baricuatro who pulled off an upset against incumbent Gov. Gwen Garcia. She believed her win was a sign that Cebuanos “have had enough” and “want change,” she said in an interview.

Baricuatro vowed to prioritize healthcare programs and do away with costly tourism programs started by Garcia.

The Garcias first captured Cebu’s Capitol in 1995 through Pablo Garcia. In 2004, Gwen succeeded her term-limited father and held the post until 2013. Before sitting again as governor in 2019, Gwen served two terms as Cebu’s third district representative.

A similar case transpired in Catanduanes where educator and independent candidate Patrick Azanza bested incumbent Vice Gov. Peter Cua, the brother of current Gov. Joseph Cua. In his campaign, Azanza pushed for better disaster preparedness and anti-corruption policies. He was also critical of the Cuas’ governance.

“We’re very happy na malaya na ang Catanduanes. Malaya na sa monopolyo, sa dinastiya, malaya na sa mga tios na pigkakaharap (We’re very happy that Catanduanes is finally free. Free from monopoly, from dynasties, free from suffering),” he said in an interview after his proclamation.

The win of former journalist and Sol Aragones as Laguna governor also held off an extension of the Hernandezes’ hold in the Capitol. She beat Rep. Ruth Hernandez, the wife of term-limited Gov. Ramil Hernandez.

In Marinduque, long-time politician Mel Go defeated Rep. Lord Allan Jay Velasco, the son of incumbent Gov. Presbitero Velasco. Both Go and Baricuatro ran under former president Rodrigo Duterte’s party Partido Demokratiko Pilipino-Laban.

Former elections commissioner Luie Tito Guia and political science professor Julio Teehankee told PCIJ that some dynasties’ fall from power in this year’s elections could have been caused by a growing anti-dynasty sentiment among voters.

Returning, emerging dynasties

Rival dynasties took down ruling clans in at least eight provinces.

In Abra in northern Luzon, the Bersamin political clan returns to power. The brother of Executive Secretary Lucas Bersamin was elected governor in a landslide victory that marked the clan’s political comeback after a nine-year absence.

Former governor Eustaquio “Takit” Bersamin defeated Bangued Vice Mayor Kiko Bernos in the gubernatorial race. Anne Bersamin, niece of Eustaquio, won as vice governor over Vice Gov. Joy Bernos. Anne is the daughter of Rep. Luis Bersamin who was slain in 2006.

The Bersamin dynasty had been dormant since 2016 when it last held power.

In Palawan, the Alvarezes are coming back to the provincial Capitol after Amy Alvarez, the daughter of Rep. Jose Alvarez, won as governor. She got more votes than incumbent Gov. Dennis Socrates.

In Maguindanao, there will be no Mangudadatu governor for the first time in 15 years.

In the first elections since the province was split in September 2022, a Mangudadatu husband-and-wife attempted—but failed—to win control of both Maguindanao del Norte and Maguindanao del Sur.

In Maguindanao del Norte, Suharto “Teng” Mangudadatu was defeated by Tucao Mastura. Mastura belongs to another powerful political clan in the province. In Maguindanao del Sur, Ali Midtimbang also defeated Mariam Mangudadatu, who was appointed governor of Maguindanao del Sur after the split. The Midtimbangs are a known political family from Datu Anggal Midtimbang town.

The two new governors are allies of the former rebel group Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and were backed by President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr.

Sure wins, double posts

For other dynasties, electoral success was easier. A total of six winning governors-elect ran unopposed. They only needed at least one vote to secure their seats.

Infighting between two factions of the same political clan also resulted in bitter campaigns but certain wins for the clans. This happened in La Union where Mario Eduardo Ortega beat his grandniece incumbent Gov. Raphaelle Ortega-David.

In Basilan, Rep. Mujiv Hataman edged out his nephew Board Member Jay Hataman Salliman by more than 3,000 votes. Hataman will serve his term with his brother and political rival, Gov. Jim Hataman Salliman, as vice governor. Salliman is Jay’s father.

The Hatamans’ case, however, is not unique to Basilan. About one in five governors-elect will have a relative join them in the Capitol as vice governor.

Electoral reform advocates have opposed political dynasties, arguing that when top local executive positions are captured, checks and balances are at risk of being eroded.

In the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, reform advocates see opportunities for change as two regional anti-dynasty laws are set to take effect—one later this year and another in 2028.

At the national level, at least two petitions have been filed with the Supreme Court to compel Congress to enact the political dynasty ban.

A number of lawmakers vowed to finally pass an antidynasty law, following strong advocacy during the campaign.

Read more: The ‘obese’ dynasties of the Philippines are back, but reform hopes rise for 2028

The post 12 dynasties lose gubernatorial races, but 71 of 82 provinces still led by political clans appeared first on CoverStory.

Through the initiative of the local chapter of the Anxiety and Depression Support Group (ADSG) led by Ricky Ducas Jr., a team of emergency service, social work, and health service personnel conducted the compassionate rescue.  

It was the time of the pandemic. Nanay Calteya was taken to a transient house where she was cleaned up and cared for while awaiting the result of her Covid-19 test to return negative before she was admitted to the Baguio General Hospital and Medical Center (BGHMC). She stayed there for a month of treatment. 

Meanwhile, the team was able to locate Nanay Calteya’s family members in Baguio. She was reintegrated with them upon her release from hospital. Today, she keeps busy by growing herbs and vegetables for sale.  

In March 2021, Julian, who regularly stationed himself outside a Catholic church and the nearby school, was observed acting aggressively. Again, an ADSG-led team conducted a compassionate rescue and he was taken through the process of preliminary treatment and medication. 

But efforts to find any of Julian’s relatives yielded nothing. After a few weeks he was back outside the same church; within months, with no one monitoring his medication, he was again exhibiting aggressive behavior. 

In April 2022, he was rescued by a team again, and he was admitted to the BGHMC. After more than a month, with still no family member found, he returned to the church. But by then he had been taking his medicines religiously. He was employed there as a marshal. 

Julian has since died but, as Ducas says, he passed away fully aware of reality. He was accepted by the people around him, even if not by his own family. Everyone deserves such dignity.

Ongoing efforts

Since 2020, supported by financial contributions from private persons and groups, the ADSG has led efforts to rescue 63 vagrants with mental health challenges. The team conducting the rescues is composed of members of the City Social Welfare and Development Office, Baguio City Police Office, BGHMC Department of Psychiatry, Baguio City Health Services Office, and Baguio City Emergency Medical Service. 

The ADSG received the Bronze Award from the Department of Health’s Healthy Pilipinas Awards 2023. Ducas, a registered nurse in the field of mental health and a PhD holder, established the group motivated by a desire to link people with psychosocial needs to mental health professionals, especially those in the remote areas of Benguet and Mountain Province.

In 2023, Ducas joined Baguio’s Health Services Office as its mental health and wellness unit coordinator. The office has since adapted the compassionate community approach so that the street people commonly referred to as “taong grasa” can have a chance at living a life with dignity.

“Our mantra is: We don’t judge the past. Otherwise, we cannot help them. We focus on what we can do now,” Ducas says. 

No medication or restraint

What Ducas calls the compassionate rescue of vagrants in Baguio entails no medication or restraint. A number of those rescued by the team have been reintegrated with their families in provinces as far as Cavite.

The rescue of each person is the result of a collaborative and concerted effort. Each team is composed of a representative of the barangay, a member of the Baguio City Emergency Medical Service, a social worker, Ducas, and police officers.

The team members initially observe the persons potentially to be rescued. After the rescue, the persons’ hygiene is prioritized, and then they are referred to the social welfare office. They undergo assessment and medical checkup. Efforts are made to find their relatives. Appropriate treatment and medication are given for free, as mandated by law. 

Then, if the persons’ relatives are found, steps are taken to prepare them to be reintegrated. This includes case conferences to orient family members on how to manage their loved one’s care. Follow-up consultations and medicines are available for free at the city’s health services clinic.

Long-term facility

Not all cases end in successful recovery and reintegration. This is why Ducas hopes for the establishment of a long-term facility in the city or region where people who have nowhere to go can stay. At present, the National Center for Mental Health in Mandaluyong City is the only long-term facility accessible to the public. Other facilities are privately owned and, thus, are expensive to get into.

Compassionate rescue addresses people’s psychosocial needs with empathy, solidarity, and proactive engagement using nontraumatic practices.

The local government of Baguio has adopted the project. Ducas says it is proof that “with proper treatment and social support, plus good governance, people with mental health challenges can be nurtured back to health, can live with dignity, and can be reintegrated into the community.”

Those needing help may call 911 for emergencies (Smart City Command Center) or the Mental Health Helpline at 0919 069 6361.

National Center for Mental Health Hotlines: 0917 899 8727, 0966 351 4518, or 0919 057 1553.

If you know someone in need, the Philippine Mental Health Association is offering free online psychosocial services Monday to Friday, 8 a.m. to 8 p.m., until Aug. 15, 2025. Visit https://www.facebook.com/PMHARMHPSS2025.

Read more: Tackling mental health at the community level

The post Where ‘taong grasa’ are rescued from the streets with compassion and dignity appeared first on CoverStory.

Although one lost her bid, the Singsons occupy the seats of governor, vice governor, provincial board members, district representatives, city and municipal officials. 

Six others were nominees in the party-list race. One secured a seat. 

One other member ran in Sta. Ignacia town in Tarlac, a province of Central Luzon, making her the 24th politician in the clan, but she lost her bid for mayor. 

In a country where dynasties are fixtures of government, “obese” dynasties, or those with at least five clan members who are active in politics, are a dime a dozen.  

The extended Singson political clan of Ilocos Sur is, in the words of political dynasty watcher Danilo Arao, the “super obese” dynasty of the Philippines. 

It is a clan that has thrived in the land of “mega” dynasties—Ilocos Region, where President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s family has practical control of Ilocos Norte politics, and the Ortega clan, the country’s oldest dynasty, has grown so large that its members now compete against each other for power in La Union. 

The Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism’s (PCIJ) own count shows that voters crowned at least 18 obese dynasties in this year’s elections. 

In Luzon, apart from the clans of Marcos, Singson, and Ortega, are the clans of Aguilar-Villar in Las Piñas City in Metro Manila, Dy of Isabela, Khonghun of Zambales, Garcia of Bataan, Ynares of Rizal, and Kho of Masbate. 

In the Visayas and Mindanao, apart from the Dutertes in Davao City, they include the clans of Romualdez in Leyte, Hataman-Salliman in Basilan, Plaza of Caraga region, Pacquiao of Sarangani and General Santos City, Uy of Zamboanga del Norte, Dimaporo of Lanao del Norte, Alonto-Adiong of Lanao del Sur, and Tan of Sulu. 

Political dynasties are prohibited under the 1987 Philippine Constitution but the dynasty-controlled Congress has yet to enact a law to implement the ban. 

Over four decades of neglect, political dynasties turned from largely “thin” to “fat” and “obese.” They perpetuated themselves in power and expanded their influence by employing different tactics that are repeated in varying degrees in provinces, districts, cities, and municipalities. 

They sought higher positions and swapped roles with family members and allies. They established residency in new jurisdictions and got elected there. They joined the party-list race.  

Despite the dominance of political dynasties, reform advocates saw encouraging signs.  

A few challengers secured victories against dynasties, while others came close. Some dynasties suffered a downfall while others shrank in number. 

The Legal Network for Truthful Elections (Lente) executive director, Rona Ann Caritos, said the dominance of the Marcos-Duterte feud in the election discourse makes it hard to determine the factors behind the losses of the Velascos in Marinduque and Garcias in Cebu, even of Sen. Cynthia Villar in Las Piñas City.  

But there is cautious optimism that the advocacy will gain ground toward the 2028 elections. 

Marcos-Duterte dynastic feud 

The obese Marcos political dynasty has six elected members. It has two national positions, President Marcos and Senator Imee, and four local positions.  

The Marcoses won the seats of governor, vice governor, and the two district seats. 

Voters have abandoned the “balance of power” that was previously maintained in the province—where the Marcos clan dominated the Capitol but the Fariñas family controlled the City Hall. 

The Marcoses are even intolerant of family members who do not toe the line. They fielded a candidate to defeat presidential cousin Michael Keon Marcos, a more independent relative, who lost to Bryan Alcid in the capital Laoag City mayoral race. 

Imee Marcos gained apparent support from both aisles of the feuding Marcos and Duterte political clans in an election that highlighted personality politics in Philippine elections.  

The future of the Duterte political clan came into sharp focus during the campaign. While former president Rodrigo Duterte is detained by the International Criminal Court in The Hague, his daughter Vice President Sara Duterte faces an impeachment trial in the Senate.  

The Duterte patriarch faces the charge of crimes against humanity for murder during his administration’s drug war. The daughter faces a myriad of corruption allegations.  

Yet the Dutertes demolished their rivals in Davao City, in a spectacular display of influence despite allegations of corruption. The dynasty also has six elected family members, winning the seats of mayor, vice mayor, two of three congressional districts, a provincial board member, and Sara Duterte herself.  

There also used to be a “balance of power” in Davao City. The Dutertes dominated the city positions, but the rival Nograles clan controlled the House seat. The late Prospero Nograles Jr., father of defeated mayoral candidate Karlos Nograles, served several terms as majority leader in the House of Representatives, the powerful whip that could get anything done in the legislative chamber, before becoming House Speaker.   

Duterte’s arrest also appeared to have boosted the chances of his candidates in the Senate, where Mindanao as well as vote-rich Cebu delivered overwhelming numbers to upset the advantage of the administration bets in Luzon.  

Re-electionist senators Christopher Lawrence “Bong” Go, Ronald “Bato” dela Rosa, and newbie Senator Rodante Marcoleta ranked 1st, 3rd, and 6th in the final tally. 

The Marcos-Duterte dynastic feud is expected to continue as the 2028 presidential elections roll out.  

Senate: Dynasties win vs media celebrities 

The Senate will remain dominated by dynasties, following the defeat of media celebrities who initially figured in the surveys: broadcaster Ben Tulfo, action movie star Ramon “Bong” Revilla Jr., boxing champion Emmanuel “Manny” Pacquiao, and TV host Willie Revillame. 

There will still be two Tulfo senators in the next 20th Congress. Erwin Tulfo is moving from the House to the Senate, joining his brother Sen. Raffy Tulfo. They are one of four sibling pairs, showing that the legislative chamber has been monopolized by few families. 

The Tulfos will have the same number of elected positions the clan has in the current Congress. It is one member short of joining the list of “obese” political dynasties. 

Incumbent Sen. Raffy Tulfo’s son Quezon City Rep. Ralph Jr. is returning to the House of Representatives, and so is his wife Jocelyn, the second nominee of ACT-CIS party-list group. 

A sister, Wanda Teo, and her son Robert were unable to muster enough votes for the Ang Turismo party-list. 

Camille Villar, daughter of the country’s richest man, became the fourth in her family to be elected to the Senate since 2001. She is the campaign’s top spender, recording P3.5 billion “worth” of ads before discounts from October 2024 to March 2025. 

Her mother, outgoing Sen. Cynthia Villar, lost in her bid to replace Camille in the city’s lone congressional seat. But their relatives in Las Piñas, the Aguilar family, continue to rule the city.   

Pia Cayetano was also re-elected to keep her family’s two seats, along with brother Alan, in the Senate. Alan’s wife, Lani, won the mayoral race in Taguig City. They did not support the congressional bid of Alan’s brother, Lino Cayetano, who lost to Lani’s candidate, Ading Cruz.  

Brothers Jinggoy Estrada and JV Ejercito have three years more in their terms. But Jinggoy’s wife Percy Ejercito lost her bid in the party-list race. The Ejercitos won at least two local seats in Laguna province. 

Senators Ramon “Bong” Revilla Jr. and Francis Tolentino lost their re-election bids but their families won at least four seats each in Cavite province.  

Makati City Mayor Abigail Binay and former Mandaluyong City Mayor Benhur Abalos lost their senatorial bids, but their families also continue to rule their bailiwicks.  

Hopes for 2028 

In this year’s elections, reform advocates intensified the discourse on the links between political dynasties and poverty, underdevelopment, weak checks and balances, and corruption. 

Despite the continued dominance of political dynasties in the results, reform advocates see the needle moving in this year’s elections.  

Luie Guia of the Democratic Insights Group, former commissioner of the Commission on Elections, said he was encouraged. “I think it did (have an impact) to a certain extent,” he said.  

“The blatant display of dynastic politics may have generated some adverse reactions from the people, prompting them to consider the alternatives,” he said. 

Guia said political dynasties were put back on the defensive after years of trying to convince voters that they could be allies in good governance. 

“It looks like it (did have an impact),” said political analyst Julio Teehankee, although more studies will be needed. He said the campaign against celebrity politics also made an impact. 

The midterm elections are over, but the work is not done, they said. 

Guia said it is important to “take advantage of the gains” in the 2025 campaign. He said there’s a need to continue organizing and engaging in conversations about political dynasties and money in politics in between campaigns. 

There’s also a need to expand the constituency of reform before or simultaneously with lobbying for legislative reform, he said. 

At least two petitions were filed in the Supreme Court to compel Congress to enact the political dynasty ban. Some of the elected lawmakers have already promised to support it. 

Reform groups are optimistic, but Lente’s Caritos is also cautious against expecting too much.  

“I am an optimistic person, but when it comes to the country’s political dynasties, I’m a realist,” she told PCIJ. 

The country’s political dynasties have fought to stay in power for decades. They cannot be expected to give it up easily, groups said.

The post The ‘obese’ dynasties of the Philippines are back, but reform hopes rise for 2028 appeared first on CoverStory.

“It’s time to realign government with the people’s expectations,” the press release from the Presidential News Desk also quoted him as saying. 

Analysts were quick to point out that the President’s move is a reboot, a “bold reset,” an attempt to reverse the results of the midterm elections on May 12.

The midterm elections, literally held midway in the term of a president, are viewed as a referendum of the incumbent’s performance. Usually, whether in the Philippines, the United States, and other democracies, the candidates backed by the sitting administration emerge as the top winners.

In the May 2019 midterm elections, the Hugpong ng Pagbabago (HNP), an alliance backed by then Davao City Mayor Sara Duterte won 9 of the 12 Senate seats up for grabs. Her father, then President Rodrigo Duterte, initially said he would not endorse the HNP candidates but later endorsed the slate except for Senators Bong Revilla and Jinggoy Estrada. 

Four HNP candidates got the highest votes: Cynthia Villar (No.1), Bong Go (No. 3), Pia Cayetano (No. 4) and Ronald dela Rosa (No. 5). Grace Poe, who ran as an independent, clinched the No. 2 slot. 

In the May 2013 midterm elections, nine candidates of Team Pinoy won as senators with four as the topnotchers: Poe (No. 1), Loren Legarda (No. 2), Alan Peter Cayetano (No. 3) and Francis Escudero (No. 4).  Nancy Binay of the United Nationalist Alliance was No. 5. 

But in the recent midterms, only six of the candidates in the Malacañang-backed Alyansa para sa Bagong Pilipinas won as senators: Erwin Tulfo (No. 4), Panfilo Lacson (No. 7), Tito Sotto (No. 8), Pia Cayetano (No. 9), Camille Villar (No. 10), and Lito Lapid (No. 11). Nearing the end of the campaign, Villar appeared to have switched to the Duterte camp. 

Only three of the senatorial candidates of “DuterTen,” the coalition formed to oppose the Marcos-backed Alyansa, made it. But they were among the top six:  Go (No.1), Dela Rosa (No. 3) and Rodante Marcoleta (No. 6).  

Opposition candidates Bam Aquino emerged No. 2 and Kiko Pangilinan No. 5. They were the candidates of KiBam, the umbrella organization composed of the party-list group Akbayan and the Katipunan ng Nagkakaisang Pilipino, a platform for young voters. 

Has the Marcos Cabinet performed poorly in the eyes of the Filipino people, specifically the voters?

The latest available surveys on public satisfaction with the Cabinet as a whole by the Social Weather Stations pegged the number of “satisfied” in December 2022 at 59% and in December 2023 at 58%—about the same given the margin of error at plus or minus 2.5%.

Looking back, just a little over a month before the May 2019 midterm elections, public satisfaction with the Cabinet was at 57%. Though lower than the December 2023 satisfaction rating at 58%, this may be about the same given the margin of error. 

But in 2019, nine Malacañang-backed candidates won as senators and got the top votes. In contrast, this month, a lesser number of Malacañang candidates for senator won, with only one (Tulfo) landing among the top five.

This indicates that while some figures may seem the same, there are other indicators to consider other than the public satisfaction rating of the Cabinet as a whole. The questions to ask: What were the specific and recent events that influenced performance perception, not just of the Cabinet but also of the Marcos administration? What are the key determinants to get the Filipinos’ votes?

A “careful” performance evaluation is supposed to follow the President’s call for courtesy resignations. The review is to “determine who will continue to serve in line with his administration’s “recalibrated priorities.”

In a press briefing at Malacañang on May 23, Executive Secretary Lucas Bersamin announced that 52 officials including himself had each tendered a courtesy resignation.

Bersamin announced the retention of five key members of the economic team: Trade and Industry Secretary Cristina Roque, Finance Secretary Ralph Recto, Economy, Planning and Development Secretary Arsenio Balisacan, Budget Secretary Amenah Pangandaman, and Special Assistant to the President for Investment and Economic Affairs Secretary Frederick Go. 

Bersamin himself will stay on as executive secretary.

The President accepted the courtesy resignations of Ambassador Antonio Lagdameo, the Philippines’ permanent representative to the United Nations; Environment Secretary Maria Antonia Yulo Loyzaga; and Human Settlements and Urban Development Secretary Jose Rizalino Acuzar. But Acuzar will still be part of the Cabinet as presidential adviser for Pasig River development, and will retain his rank as secretary.

The next announcements from the Palace should indicate if the “reset” instituted by the President is indeed a bold move designed to offset the results of the midterm elections.

The post What to know so far about the courtesy resignations of Marcos Cabinet members appeared first on CoverStory.

The re-entry of Aquino and Pangilinan will alter the dynamics in the 24-member chamber that will need the votes of 16 senators to convict Duterte, or 9 to acquit her. They are sure to backstop the lone opposition member, Sen. Risa Hontiveros.

“They are expected to be more circumspect or to be more critical of the process that will transpire and, as well, to have more appreciation of the facts,” Kontra Daya convenor Danilo Arao told CoverStory.ph by phone.

In a high-stakes impeachment trial such as Duterte’s, where “vote-buying” or “horse-trading” could happen, it’s hard to say how the trial would end, according to Arao.

“Bam and Kiko could also be decisive especially in a situation where, the impeachment trial being a numbers game, you can’t tell for sure whether there will be an acquittal or a conviction,” he said, adding:

“Their votes can be decisive in the sense that they might end up as the swing votes. But of course, these are just floated possibilities.”

In a survey-defying, come-from-behind win in the tight senatorial race in the May 12 midterm elections, Aquino landed second with 20.9 million votes and Pangilinan fifth with 15.3 million votes.

They had languished outside the “Magic 12” in all pre-election surveys.

But between the two former colleagues, Aquino will be taking part in the trial with possible baggage—the endorsement of the religious bloc Iglesia ni Cristo (INC), which held a “peace rally” in January to convey its opposition to Duterte’s impeachment. He was among the eight senatorial candidates endorsed by the 3-million-strong INC.

“There is more pressure on Aquino to prove his naysayers wrong,” Arao said.

‘Big improvement’

The big win of Aquino and Pangilinan in the midterms was a “big improvement” for the Senate opposition, according to Ma. Ela Atienza, a political science professor at the University of the Philippines Diliman.

“Definitely, Senator Risa will have allies who are consistent, calling for accountability, focusing on the marginalized sector,” Atienza said in an interview via Zoom.

But while some expect a judgment along political lines in the impeachment trial, it’s hard to tell how the senators will vote because they will deal with a public who will try to sway them one way or the other, she said.

“The thing about impeachment is that it’s public. The people are involved—they lobby, they try to persuade the senators to vote in accordance with what seems to be a public sentiment,” Atienza said.

“And senators care so much about how they are perceived publicly because they have intentions of running for higher public office,” she added, referring to the 2028 presidential election.

In the end, Atienza said, it will depend on “how they will look at the evidence.”

Duterte is accused of bribery, corruption, and culpable violation of the Constitution in connection with the alleged misuse of some P612 million in confidential funds at the Office of the Vice President and the Department of Education, which she headed from 2022 to 2024.

The articles of impeachment against her are expected to be formally presented to the Senate on June 2, and the trial is slated to begin on July 30.

Winning factors

Atienza cited certain factors that propelled Aquino and Pangilinan to the top 5 from their poor 16th to 17th rankings in the pre-election surveys. She said the flurry of activities in the last two weeks of the campaign—from securing endorsements from local officials to sharing sample ballots with the candidates’ names on them on social media—may have spelled the difference.

Arao agreed with this observation. “The key factor would be the sweep that they did,” he said. “In other words, you don’t take credit away from their campaign team. They really knew what to do, toward the tail end of the campaign.”

“So,” Atienza said, “the latest survey results notwithstanding, they were able to make adjustments.”

The endorsements of other senators were also crucial, she said.

Aquino and Pangilinan may have also benefited from the “disunity” of the Marcos-Duterte “UniTeam,” Atienza added. “If [the people] were voting for only 10, say in the [administration’s] Alyansa slate, it was easier to squeeze the two in.”

During the campaign, Sen. Imee Marcos. President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s elder sister, bolted the administration’s Alyansa para sa Bagong Pilipinas, and together with administration candidate Camille Villar, sought the endorsement of the Vice President.

In the end, Villar ranked 10th with 13.6 million votes and Marcos 12th with 13.3 million votes.

“And definitely, the Aquino magic is still there. That’s an important factor,” Atienza said, referring to the endorsements of the siblings of the late former president Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III for Bam Aquino, their cousin.

Arao said the turnout of young voters may also have been a huge factor in the comeback bid of Aquino and Pangilinan.

“We don’t take away the power of the youth vote because whether we like it or not, it’s the youth that would have the energy and the patience to go to the polling precincts despite the high heat index, despite the long lines,” Arao said.

Without any exit polls to determine how the population voted, Atienza refused to make a “sweeping generalization” that the youth—meaning the millennials and Gen Zs—sent Aquino and Pangilinan back to the Senate.

“There were many who opposed the fight between families, and that’s good,” she said. “But still there were those who voted for ‘trapos’ (traditional politicians) and those who believed in patronage politics.”

(Sagip party list Rep. Rodante Marcoleta also pole-vaulted from out of nowhere to land No. 6 behind Pangilinan, benefiting from the endorsements of the INC and gubernatorial candidates courting the so-called INC votes.)

Arao observed that more than the so-called “pink vote,” Aquino and Pangilinan were also privileged to have a “respectable war chest” for their respective candidacies. “It may not be as much as the administration candidates’, but it’s more than enough for them to wage a decent national campaign,” he said.

And with Akbayan assured of three seats in the House of Representatives after topping the party list race, “it’s a win for the genuine opposition,” Atienza said.
(Activist lawyers Chel Diokno of Akbayan and Leila de Lima of ML or Mamamayang Liberal, both newly proclaimed representatives-elect, have been tapped to be part of the House prosecution panel at Duterte’s impeachment trial.)

Survey methodologies

Arao said the Senate vote turnout should prompt survey firms like Pulse Asia and Social Weather Stations to refine their methodologies.

For instance, he said, the most basic question ‘Who would you vote for if the elections were held today?’ may be rephrased as ‘Who would you vote for on May 12?’

“This is to ensure that more people will get an idea as to what kind of voter base you have at the moment,” Arao said. “Of course, the age group may have to be also adjusted so that you can get more Gen Z or millennial votes to make it more representative of the youth vote.”

It is also high time survey firms, the academe and the media conducted survey literacy, Arao said, noting that there are “many ways in which surveys can be weaponized.”

“It may be necessary for other news organizations to step up and provide the necessary logistical and financial requirements for an exit poll,” he said.

Read more: Members of the ‘Magic 12’ set the tone of the Senate in the 20th Congress

The post How the Bam-Kiko win alters the landscape of the Senate appeared first on CoverStory.

Comelec Chair George Erwin Garcia announced that 54 party-list groups won seats in the House of Representatives in the May 12 midterm elections, and that 41.9 million of 57.3 million actual voters cast their ballots for party-list groups.

The winning party-list groups are entitled to 63 seats in the House, according to Garcia, who opened the proclamation of the winners at the Manila Hotel Tent City with a speech that he delivered in Filipino.

He read aloud Comelec Resolution No.14-25 declaring the winners following the canvass of votes for 175 participating party-list groups by the poll body en banc sitting as the National Board of Canvassers last May 15.

‘Historic’ increase

Garcia marveled at the “historic” fact that the party-list elections saw an increase in the number of groups garnering more than one seat. Of the 54 winners, six gained from three to two seats, he said.

Topnotcher Akbayan, which garnered 2,779,621 votes, gained three seats along with Duterte Youth (2,338,564), and Tingog (1,822,708).

ACT-CIS (1,822,708 votes), 4PS (1,239,930), and Ako Bicol (1,073,119) gained two seats each.

“This is not just numbers in a record, but proof that support and collective action are widening in these groups,” Garcia said in his speech. Likewise, he said, this showed that “representation is not just symbolic but a sincere and strong interaction” in their communities.

“In the ordinary face of democracy, it’s the principle of majority that prevails,” Garcia said, adding:

“This means the group that has the most numbers will prevail. But in the spirit of the party-list system, it’s not only the numbers that become the guide. The goal is to give voice to perspectives that are usually set aside so that they can be represented in the legislature.”

He thanked the voters, describing them as the “force” in the midterm polls, and saluted his fellow commissioners, other poll officials, and all those who helped make the May 12 midterm elections possible.

The proclamation of the party-list winners, which took place seven days after Election Day, was the fastest since automated elections were implemented in 2010.

Applause

Of the party-list nominees present at the ceremony, former senator Leila de Lima and human rights lawyer Jose “Chel” Diokno received the loudest applause from the audience when they came forward to receive their “certificates of proclamation” from Comelec officials led by Garcia.

De Lima represents ML (or Mamamayang Liberal), which got 547,949 votes and ranked No. 14, entitling it to one seat in the House. Diokno is the first nominee of Akbayan, the top winner that got 2,779,621 votes, entitling it to three seats. The two other Akbayan nominees are Perci Cendaña, former commissioner of the National Youth Commission, and women’s rights advocate Dadah Kiram.

As De Lima walked to the front, she met outgoing senator Grace Poe, who was on her way back to her seat after having a photograph taken with her son, Brian Llamanzares, nominee of the FPJ Panday Bayanihan that ranked No.15 with 538,003 votes. The two women shook hands.

Poe was among the 16 senators who voted in 2016 for De Lima’s ouster as chair of the Senate committee on justice, which looked into the extrajudicial killings in the “war on drugs” waged by then President Rodrigo Duterte.

De Lima was arrested in 2017 on drug charges, which she said were made up by Duterte and his camp in retaliation for her Senate investigation. She spent more than six years in detention in Camp Crame in Quezon City before being cleared of the drug charges in all three cases filed against her.

Last week, however, the Court of Appeals declared null and void the 2023 decision of the Muntinlupa Regional Trial Court Branch 204 acquitting De Lima. Her camp pointed out that the appeals court merely voided the decision and did not reverse it, so that the municipal judge could rewrite the decision.

Sen. Raffy Tulfo was also present at the proclamation because his wife, Jocelyn Tulfo, is one of the two nominees of ACT-CIS.

Also in attendance was former Ilocos Sur governor Chavit Singson, whose daughter, Ako Ilokano Ako party-list Rep. Richelle Singson, will return to the House after her group ranked No. 44 with 301,406 votes.

Disqualification cases

Garcia announced the Comelec’s suspension of the proclamation of Duterte Youth and Bagong Henerasyon (BH) due to the pending disqualification cases filed against them.

He said Duterte Youth (ranked No. 2 with 2,338,564 votes) had two petitions, and BH (ranked No. 39, with 319,803 votes) had one.

“Considering the serious allegations raised in the above petitions, which involved grave violations of election laws, the National Board of Canvassers resolved to suspend the proclamation of Duterte Youth and BH, until the speedy and judicious resolution of the petitions filed before the clerk of the Commission,” Garcia said of the resolution dated May 18.

The other party-list winners are the following, ranked from No. 7 to 54:

Uswag Ilonggo (775,754), Solid North Party (765,322), Trabaho (709,283), Cibac (593,911), Malasakit Bayanihan (580,100), Senior Citizens (577,753), PPP (575,762), United Senior Citizens (533,913), 4K (521,592), LPGMA (517,833), COOP-NATCCO (509,913), Ako Bisaya (477,796).

CWS (477,517), Pinoy Workers (475,985), Agap (469,412), Asenso Pinoy (423,133), Agimat (420,813),TGP (407,922), Sagip (405,297), Alona (393,684),1-Rider (385,700), Kamanggagawa (382,657), Galing sa Puso (381,880), Bicol Saro (366,177), Kusug Tausug (365,916), ACT Teachers (353,631).One COOP (334,098).

KM Ngayon (324,405), Abamin (320,349),TUCP (314.814), Kabataan (312,344), Apec (310,427), Magbubukid (310,427).1Tahanan (309,761), Manila Teachers (301,291), Nanay (293,430), Kapuso PM (293,149),SSS-GSIS (290,359), Dumper PTDA (279,532), Abang Lingkod (274,735), Pusong Pinoy (266,623), Swerte (261,379), Philreca (261,045).

Read more: Members of the ‘Magic 12’ set the tone of the Senate in the 20th Congress

The post Comelec proclaims 52 party-list groups, suspends Duterte Youth and BH due to pending cases appeared first on CoverStory.

Toward the 7 p.m. close of polling precincts nationwide on Monday, May 12, Kontra Daya said the errors in the automated counting machines (ACM) accounted for most of the problems encountered in the midterm polls.

It said the “verified reports” it had received concerning ACM errors included paper jams, “overvoting” due to “slight smudges,” or markings on the ballot, and mismatches between the actual candidates chosen by voters and the results shown on the receipt of the names on the ballot.

This receipt is called the VVPAT, or the voter verifiable paper audit trail, which is a slip of paper that emerges from the ACM after the ballot is inserted into it and read by the machine. It is like a receipt from a grocery or supermarket cash register.

The VVPAT is an important document in checking for election fraud.

Kontra Daya said overvoting would nullify all the choices made by the voter for a certain position such as senator, and the VVPAT-ballot mismatch would result in a wrong count.

Disenfranchisement

The outcome would be “critical in the sense that it may have resulted in disenfranchisement and inaccurate counting of the votes,” Kontra Daya convenor Danny Arao told CoverStory.

He said the ACM being used in the midterm elections, which was made by a Korean company, is “oversensitive,” so that a small smudge, if it is within the circle to be shaded beside the name of a candidate, could be counted for that candidate even if it is not the voter’s choice.

According to unverified social media reports, some voters had complained that the VVPAT showed names of senatorial candidates they did not vote for.

If the smudge is outside the circle, it could be considered an overvote, and invalidate all the votes for that position. In the case of the Senate race, the machine would report that the ballot contained more votes than the maximum 12 for senators.

Arao said the disenfranchisement due to a machine problem also occurred for the “flimsiest of reasons,” such as the skewed insertion of ballots or when the ACMs do not properly read the votes because of smudges.

Hours before the balloting ended, Kontra Daya reported 305 cases of ACM errors, or 54% percent of verified reports, which include malfunctions that caused hour-long delays.

These delays, Arao said, could also lead to disenfranchisement as some voters may decide to leave without filling out their ballots.

Kontra Daya also received reports of 44 incidents of illegal campaigning, or 44% of Election Day problems. Disenfranchisement (41 incidents or 7%) included missing voters’ names from the list of voters and “procedural barriers.”

There were also 35 incidents of Red-tagging (in which candidates or groups are labeled as supporters if not members of insurgent groups). Noncompliance of rules by members of the Board of Election Inspectors accounted for 34 cases or 6%.

Vote-buying (3%), election-related violence (3%), black propaganda (2%), tampered ballots (2%), harassment of voters (2%) and other Election Day problems (8%) were also reported by Kontra Daya.

According to Arao, the cases of disenfranchisement will impact tightly contested races where every vote counts. In the senatorial elections, that would impact the candidates in the 10th to 14th positions. In local close fights where the candidates are almost evenly matched, it would also have an impact. 

Obviously, for unopposed candidates, disenfranchisement would not matter at all.

Possible election fraud

Kontra Daya and Computer Professionals Union (CPU) also raised concerns about the allegations made by lawyer Harold Respicio, a candidate for vice mayor of Reina Mercedes, Isabela, of possible election fraud due to a mismatch between the software version used by the ACM for Election Day and what had earlier been approved or certified.

Respicio said in a Facebook post on May 10 that the final version 3.5.0, which he said was not officially certified, was different from the certified audited version, 3.4.0, not only in the version number but also in the hash code.

The software is a set of instructions used by the ACM, from the time the machine is turned on, reads the ballots, transmits the results, and puts out its reports until it shuts down.

Pointing to the reported changes in the software cited by Respicio, CPU said version 3.5.0 had a hash code beginning with 0438, while version 3.4.0 starts with 3AD9.

“A different system version could mean that changes were inserted into the source code, altering its entire function or creating, intentionally or unintentionally, a ‘backdoor’ that may be exploited to manipulate election results,” CPU said in a statement on the eve of the polls. “The implications of this discrepancy are profound.”

The Commission on Elections (Comelec) dismissed the allegation as fake news, saying that version 3.4.0 became version 3.5.0 after it was certified.

Without referring to Respicio by name, Comelec Chair George Erwin Garcia said the “candidate” just saw the hash code of the local source code review report that was audited, and that the final version was the “trusted build” of the software. 

Kontra Daya said in a statement that the ACM and its “inner workings should reflect the people’s vote and be subject to public scrutiny to ensure that it will record our vote.” 

CPU said that regardless of the Comelec’s explanations, the change in the software version “completely undermines the whole process of transparency and accountability” and “raises questions about the integrity of the entire electoral process.”

The post Kontra Daya flags the automated election system used on Election Day appeared first on CoverStory.

Ferdinand Marcos Jr. is now the country’s 17th president. He was elected in May 2022 in one of the biggest political comebacks in history. It came nearly four decades after a bloodless people’s revolt ousted his father, strongman Ferdinand Marcos (1965-1986).

In Ilocos Sur, the Singson clan led by former Gov. Luis “Chavit” Singson stands out for its size.

At least 23 of them are running for multiple positions in the province, based on research by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ). It may yet be the biggest number of candidates from a single clan running for public office in the May 12 elections.

They are the “super obese dynasty” of the country, according to Danilo Arao, convenor of the election watchdog Kontra Daya.

The Marcos and the Singson clans are also considered “mega dynasties,” those comprising several dynasties banding together to control not only provinces but the entire country, according to Arao.

They have counterparts in other parts of the country: Romualdezes, Villars and Arroyos.

In the Ilocos as well as in other regions, dynasties either compete or ally with each other. What they enjoy in common are “political interests that would determine how they will go about consolidating power, wealth and influence,’’ Arao said.

These political interests affect family relations as relatives run against each other or ally with “perceived enemies,’’ he said.

“In a sense, one can say that dynasties can get ideas from how other dynasties operate but the underlying current is still their uncompromising resolve to retain and strengthen political and economic leverage not just against other political clans, but also against the people in whose name they claim to run,’’ he told PCIJ.

Ilocos Norte: Trouble between Macoy’s children?

In the midterm elections on Monday, six members of the Marcos political clan are running for public office.

The President’s sister, Sen. Imee Marcos, is seeking reelection. She has bolted the administration ticket and thrown her lot with the Dutertes, whose patriarch Rodrigo Duterte is facing charges for crimes against humanity before the International Criminal Court in The Hague, Netherlands.

It was Duterte who ordered the interment of the strongman at the Libingan ng mga Bayani months into his presidency in 2016.

But there’s more than meets the eye here, according to Arao, whose group Kontra Daya also checks the expanding influence of political dynasties in the country.

“The relationship between Bongbong Marcos and Imee Marcos is a classic example of how political clans would sometimes go against each other even if they have common interests in terms of consolidating power, wealth and influence,’’ he said.

While they’re not on the “same political page” at the moment, “they are still blood relatives regardless of what happens,” Arao said. “As the saying goes, blood is thicker than water but class interest is the ‘one ring that rules them all,’ to quote from a classic,” he added.

Marcos’ son, Rep. Sandro Marcos (first district), is also seeking reelection.

The President’s cousin-in-law, Vice Gov. Cecilia Araneta-Marcos, is running for governor, while his nephew, Gov. Matthew Joseph Manotoc, is vying for vice governor in a case of position switching, according to PCIJ data.

His cousins, Laoag City Mayor Michael Keon and 2nd District Rep. Angelo Marcos Barba, are also seeking reelection.

Ilocos Sur: The ‘super obese’ dynasty of Singsons

Chavit Singson withdrew from the Senate race as early as Jan. 14, citing his need to recover from pneumonia.

The political kingpin of Ilocos Sur had fared poorly in the polls, trailing far behind the pack of “survey leaders”—composed mostly of reelectionists and returnees except for two broadcaster-brothers—battling for 12 Senate seats.

The withdrawal of the 83-year-old former governor, however, will hardly make a dent on the dynasty’s reign in the province.

At least 23 other Singsons are running for multiple other positions in the province of at least 700,000 in this year’s midterms.

One of his sons, Luis Charles, is running for two positions. He is running for councilor in Narvacan town, and is also the No. 4 nominee of the Ako Ilokano Ako, a party list group currently represented by his sister Richelle Singson.

An aspirant who files a certificate of candidacy (CoC) for more than one office shall not be eligible for any of them, according to Commission on Elections (Comelec) Resolution No. 11045, promulgated in August 2024.

The aspirant, however, may cancel the CoC for one office in favor of the other, not later than Oct. 8, 2024, the same resolution said. As of this writing, the young Singson remains a candidate for councilor in Narvacan.

“Conceptually, you can’t be a nominee if you’re running for an elective post. It’s like you’re running for two positions,’’ former Comelec commissioner Luie Tito Guia told PCIJ.

Party-list groups can win up to three seats, but nominees have previously stepped aside to let others take their place.

Chavit’s brother, incumbent Gov. Jeremias “Jerry” Singson, and another son, incumbent Vice Gov. Ryan Singson, are running unopposed and up for reelection, bidding to keep the clan’s decades-long foothold in the provincial capitol.

The fact that nobody is challenging Jeremias and Ryan Singson, among others, indicates that the clan has wielded “power and influence through the years despite changes in the administration,” said Arao.

Chavit’s grandniece Janina Singson Medina-Fariñas, and former House Rep. Eric Singson’s son Ericson Singson and niece Fayina Pilar Zaragoza are also vying for seats in the 10-member provincial board.

Chavit and Eric are relatives.

In the capital Vigan City, Chavit’s son Randy Singson is running for mayor unopposed. His nephew, reelectionist Evaristo “Bobit” Singson III, and his sister-in-law, Katherine “Mia” Aguila Singson, are seeking a seat in the city council.

Meanwhile, in Caoayan town, Chavit’s sister, Mayor Germelina Singson Goulart, and her son, Vice Mayor Juan Paolo Singson Ancheta, are seeking another term unopposed.

Chavit’s grandniece Annea Cassandra Singson de Leon is also running for mayor in Sto. Domingo town.

In his own bailiwick Candon City, Eric Singson is running for mayor unopposed. His niece Kristelle Singson is also running for vice mayor unopposed, while his nephew Jaime Singson and son Eric Owen Singson are running for councilor.

In the congressional race, Chavit’s son Rep. Ronald Singson and Eric’s daughter Rep. Kristine Singson-Meehan are seeking reelection in the province’s first and second district, respectively.

The Singsons joined the party list race in 2022, when Chavit’s daughter Richelle Singson won a House seat through the Ako Ilokano Ako group.

In this year’s midterms, Richelle is the party list group’s No. 1 nominee, while the rest of its nominees are Eric Singson’s son Allen Singson, and Chavit’s other children, Chelsey Louisse Singson, Christian Luis Singson and Luis Charles Singson, the candidate for councilor in Narvacan.

Another party list group, Probinsiyano Ako, is identified with the Singsons. Its second nominee is Chavit’s brother Jose “Bonito” Singson Jr.

“For the patriarch, it’s his way of letting his sons, daughters and other relatives inherit whatever ‘legacy’ he has, for lack of a better term. He’s actually giving way because he knows that he’s not immortal,” Arao said.

La Union: Oldest political dynasty battle it out against each other

In La Union, the Ortegas’ political journey is one for the books. It all began in 1901, when the American colonial government appointed Don Joaquin Ortega as governor of the province, from 1901 to 1904. Since then, other members have served in various posts.

This year, 12 members of the clan are gunning for different positions. The province has become so small for the growing clan that some are battling one another for the same positions.

For instance, the gubernatorial race pits reelectionist Gov. Raphaelle Veronica Ortega-David against her grandfather, incumbent Vice Gov. Mario Ortega.

The first district congressional race is a battle between reelectionist Rep. Paolo Ortega and his cousin, incumbent provincial board member Joy Ortega.

In the surfing town of San Juan, Vice Mayor Manuel Ortega is challenging his aunt, Mariquita Padua Ortega, for mayor.

These inter-family contests will guarantee that the clan will keep these posts.

The Ortega clan also seeks to expand to new territory, the 2nd District seat, which a family member is not known to have won before.

Former governor Pacoy Ortega is running for the congressional seat. If he wins, it will mark the first time the Ortega clan controls both districts of the province.

The other candidates are Geraldine “Denny” Ortega for provincial board member; Vice Mayor Alfred Ortega for San Fernando City mayor; Pablo Ortega for San Fernando City vice mayor; and Daniel Bianca Ortega and Jose Mari Ortega for San Fernando City councilor.

Some in the clan acknowledged political disagreements, but said their desire to serve the public motivates them to run against one another, and leave their fate in the hands of voters.

Pangasinan: Relatively new dynasty

In contrast with the durable Ortega dynasty, and obese Marcos and Singson dynasties, the Espinos are a relatively new dynasty in Pangasinan.

In his first foray into politics, Amado Espino Jr., a former police director of Region 1 and a 1972 graduate of the Philippine Military Academy, was elected 1st District congressman in 2001.

He won a second term in 2004. Buoyed by his electoral victories in the House of Representatives, he took a crack at governorship and won in 2007, then in 2010 and 2013.

When his term ended in 2016, he made another successful run in the 5th District’s congressional race, while his son Amado III succeeded him as governor.

In 2019, Amado Jr. lost his reelection bid to Ramon Guico III. But other family members were victorious. Amado III won in his reelection bid as governor, his brother Jumel Anthony as 2nd District congressman and his mother Priscilla as mayor of Bugallon town.

In 2022, Amado III lost his bid for a third term as governor to Guico.

This year, Amado III is bidding to win his rematch against Guico in the gubernatorial race, while Amado Jr. seeks to rejoin the House as the No. 1 nominee of Abante Pangasinan-Ilokano party list group.

Changing tides?

The 1987 Constitution bans political dynasty, but Congress has yet to pass an implementing law. Both chambers are largely composed of dynasts.

The problem is, the country’s own system allows dynasties to flourish, said Arao.

But the times may be changing, political analyst Julio Teehankee told PCIJ. “There’s a growing public sentiment—and you can feel that online—that people are sick and tired of dynasties,’’ he said.

Teehankee said the defeat of 32 candidates from political clans in the 2019 midterms somehow reflected this sentiment, although some managed to make a comeback in 2022.

Citing studies, he said there’s a correlation between high percentage of obese and fat dynasties, and poverty, underdevelopment and corruption.

Given all this, Arao cited the need for the public to “put pressure” on Congress to pass an anti-dynasty law, and reform the party-list system by including mechanisms that protect the marginalized and under-represented sectors.

“The chances [for the passage of an anti-dynasty law] are quite slim, and in fact, I would even argue it’s impossible if they will decide on their own. And that’s why, to quote from Justice [Antonio] Carpio about the West Philippine Sea, public pressure is also necessary,’’ he said.

“There is a slight possibility where those dynasties will be voting against their own interest if they’re forced to do so,” he added.

Teehankee agreed: “Different sectors of society should continue their full-court press to pressure reform-minded members of dynasties to consider passing the anti-dynasty law, if they’re really interested in public service.” With research from Sherwin de Vera, Northern Dispatch

Read more: When voters say ‘enough’: Dynasties in Leyte, Cainta and Pasig fall from power

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