It’s the same number as before the May 12 elections, based on PCIJ’s map, but the names are not always the same.

About 58 ruling clans retained control of provincial leadership, while eight defeated members of rival political clans. Four other governors-elect will replace sitting dynastic governors who either allied with them or did not field a family member to keep their post.

In one instance, a dynastic governor will replace a non-dynastic one. This is the case in Batangas where Vilma Santos-Recto will assume the post to be vacated by Hermilindo Mandanas who is sliding down as vice governor.

Despite the outcomes, the clans did not always win gubernatorial races with ease. A deeper study of the electoral contests revealed continuing resistance to dynastic rule, with some successes even if few.

Batanes, Nueva Vizcaya, Benguet, Ifugao, Kalinga, Bulacan and Agusan del Sur remained the rare oases where dynasties do not rule the Capitol, even if clans prevail in the cities and the towns.

But four provinces shone in this year’s elections—Cebu, Catanduanes, Laguna, and Marinduque—where voters rejected the gubernatorial bid of ruling clans and chose candidates not known to be from dynasties.

4 provinces in the spotlight

Among non-dynast victors is political newcomer Pamela Baricuatro who pulled off an upset against incumbent Gov. Gwen Garcia. She believed her win was a sign that Cebuanos “have had enough” and “want change,” she said in an interview.

Baricuatro vowed to prioritize healthcare programs and do away with costly tourism programs started by Garcia.

The Garcias first captured Cebu’s Capitol in 1995 through Pablo Garcia. In 2004, Gwen succeeded his term-limited father and held the post until 2013. Before sitting again as governor in 2019, Gwen served two terms as Cebu’s third district representative.

A similar case transpired in Catanduanes where educator and independent candidate Patrick Azanza bested incumbent Vice Gov. Peter Cua, the brother of current Gov. Joseph Cua. In his campaign, Azanza pushed for better disaster preparedness and anti-corruption policies. He was also critical of the Cuas’ governance.

“We’re very happy na malaya na ang Catanduanes. Malaya na sa monopolyo, sa dinastiya, malaya na sa mga tios na pigkakaharap (We’re very happy that Catanduanes is finally free. Free from monopoly, from dynasties, free from suffering),” he said in an interview after his proclamation.

The win of former journalist and Sol Aragones as Laguna governor also held off an extension of the Hernandezes’ hold in the Capitol. She beat Rep. Ruth Hernandez, the wife of term-limited Gov. Ramil Hernandez.

In Marinduque, long-time politician Mel Go defeated Rep. Lord Allan Jay Velasco, the son of incumbent Gov. Presbitero Velasco. Both Go and Baricuatro ran under former president Rodrigo Duterte’s party Partido Demokratiko Pilipino-Laban.

Former elections commissioner Luie Tito Guia and political science professor Julio Teehankee told PCIJ that some dynasties’ fall from power in this year’s elections could have been caused by a growing anti-dynasty sentiment among voters.

Returning, emerging dynasties

Rival dynasties took down ruling clans in at least eight provinces.

In Abra in northern Luzon, the Bersamin political clan returns to power. The brother of Executive Secretary Lucas Bersamin was elected governor in a landslide victory that marked the clan’s political comeback after a nine-year absence.

Former governor Eustaquio “Takit” Bersamin defeated Bangued Vice Mayor Kiko Bernos in the gubernatorial race. Anne Bersamin, niece of Eustaquio, won as vice governor over Vice Gov. Joy Bernos. Anne is the daughter of Rep. Luis Bersamin who was slain in 2006.

The Bersamin dynasty had been dormant since 2016 when it last held power.

In Palawan, the Alvarezes are coming back to the provincial Capitol after Amy Alvarez, the daughter of Rep. Jose Alvarez, won as governor. She got more votes than incumbent Gov. Dennis Socrates.

In Maguindanao, there will be no Mangudadatu governor for the first time in 15 years.

In the first elections since the province was split in September 2022, a Mangudadatu husband-and-wife attempted—but failed—to win control of both Maguindanao del Norte and Maguindanao del Sur.

In Maguindanao del Norte, Suharto “Teng” Mangudadatu was defeated by Tucao Mastura. Mastura belongs to another powerful political clan in the province. In Maguindanao del Sur, Ali Midtimbang also defeated Mariam Mangudadatu, who was appointed governor of Maguindanao del Sur after the split. The Midtimbangs are a known political family from Datu Anggal Midtimbang town.

The two new governors are allies of the former rebel group Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and were backed by President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr.

Sure wins, double posts

For other dynasties, electoral success was easier. A total of six winning governors-elect ran unopposed. They only needed at least one vote to secure their seats.

Infighting between two factions of the same political clan also resulted in bitter campaigns but certain wins for the clans. This happened in La Union where Mario Eduardo Ortega beat his grandniece incumbent Gov. Raphaelle Ortega-David.

In Basilan, Rep. Mujiv Hataman edged out his nephew Board Member Jay Hataman Salliman by more than 3,000 votes. Hataman will serve his term with his brother and political rival, Gov. Jim Hataman Salliman, as vice governor. Salliman is Jay’s father.

The Hatamans’ case, however, is not unique to Basilan. About one in five governors-elect will have a relative join them in the Capitol as vice governor.

Electoral reform advocates have opposed political dynasties, arguing that when top local executive positions are captured, checks and balances are at risk of being eroded.

In the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, reform advocates see opportunities for change as two regional anti-dynasty laws are set to take effect—one later this year and another in 2028.

At the national level, at least two petitions have been filed with the Supreme Court to compel Congress to enact the political dynasty ban.

A number of lawmakers vowed to finally pass an antidynasty law, following strong advocacy during the campaign.

Read more: The ‘obese’ dynasties of the Philippines are back, but reform hopes rise for 2028

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Although one lost her bid, the Singsons occupy the seats of governor, vice governor, provincial board members, district representatives, city and municipal officials. 

Six others were nominees in the party-list race. One secured a seat. 

One other member ran in Sta. Ignacia town in Tarlac, a province of Central Luzon, making her the 24th politician in the clan, but she lost her bid for mayor. 

In a country where dynasties are fixtures of government, “obese” dynasties, or those with at least five clan members who are active in politics, are a dime a dozen.  

The extended Singson political clan of Ilocos Sur is, in the words of political dynasty watcher Danilo Arao, the “super obese” dynasty of the Philippines. 

It is a clan that has thrived in the land of “mega” dynasties—Ilocos Region, where President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s family has practical control of Ilocos Norte politics, and the Ortega clan, the country’s oldest dynasty, has grown so large that its members now compete against each other for power in La Union. 

The Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism’s (PCIJ) own count shows that voters crowned at least 18 obese dynasties in this year’s elections. 

In Luzon, apart from the clans of Marcos, Singson, and Ortega, are the clans of Aguilar-Villar in Las Piñas City in Metro Manila, Dy of Isabela, Khonghun of Zambales, Garcia of Bataan, Ynares of Rizal, and Kho of Masbate. 

In the Visayas and Mindanao, apart from the Dutertes in Davao City, they include the clans of Romualdez in Leyte, Hataman-Salliman in Basilan, Plaza of Caraga region, Pacquiao of Sarangani and General Santos City, Uy of Zamboanga del Norte, Dimaporo of Lanao del Norte, Alonto-Adiong of Lanao del Sur, and Tan of Sulu. 

Political dynasties are prohibited under the 1987 Philippine Constitution but the dynasty-controlled Congress has yet to enact a law to implement the ban. 

Over four decades of neglect, political dynasties turned from largely “thin” to “fat” and “obese.” They perpetuated themselves in power and expanded their influence by employing different tactics that are repeated in varying degrees in provinces, districts, cities, and municipalities. 

They sought higher positions and swapped roles with family members and allies. They established residency in new jurisdictions and got elected there. They joined the party-list race.  

Despite the dominance of political dynasties, reform advocates saw encouraging signs.  

A few challengers secured victories against dynasties, while others came close. Some dynasties suffered a downfall while others shrank in number. 

The Legal Network for Truthful Elections (Lente) executive director, Rona Ann Caritos, said the dominance of the Marcos-Duterte feud in the election discourse makes it hard to determine the factors behind the losses of the Velascos in Marinduque and Garcias in Cebu, even of Sen. Cynthia Villar in Las Piñas City.  

But there is cautious optimism that the advocacy will gain ground toward the 2028 elections. 

Marcos-Duterte dynastic feud 

The obese Marcos political dynasty has six elected members. It has two national positions, President Marcos and Senator Imee, and four local positions.  

The Marcoses won the seats of governor, vice governor, and the two district seats. 

Voters have abandoned the “balance of power” that was previously maintained in the province—where the Marcos clan dominated the Capitol but the Fariñas family controlled the City Hall. 

The Marcoses are even intolerant of family members who do not toe the line. They fielded a candidate to defeat presidential cousin Michael Keon Marcos, a more independent relative, who lost to Bryan Alcid in the capital Laoag City mayoral race. 

Imee Marcos gained apparent support from both aisles of the feuding Marcos and Duterte political clans in an election that highlighted personality politics in Philippine elections.  

The future of the Duterte political clan came into sharp focus during the campaign. While former president Rodrigo Duterte is detained by the International Criminal Court in The Hague, his daughter Vice President Sara Duterte faces an impeachment trial in the Senate.  

The Duterte patriarch faces the charge of crimes against humanity for murder during his administration’s drug war. The daughter faces a myriad of corruption allegations.  

Yet the Dutertes demolished their rivals in Davao City, in a spectacular display of influence despite allegations of corruption. The dynasty also has six elected family members, winning the seats of mayor, vice mayor, two of three congressional districts, a provincial board member, and Sara Duterte herself.  

There also used to be a “balance of power” in Davao City. The Dutertes dominated the city positions, but the rival Nograles clan controlled the House seat. The late Prospero Nograles Jr., father of defeated mayoral candidate Karlos Nograles, served several terms as majority leader in the House of Representatives, the powerful whip that could get anything done in the legislative chamber, before becoming House Speaker.   

Duterte’s arrest also appeared to have boosted the chances of his candidates in the Senate, where Mindanao as well as vote-rich Cebu delivered overwhelming numbers to upset the advantage of the administration bets in Luzon.  

Re-electionist senators Christopher Lawrence “Bong” Go, Ronald “Bato” dela Rosa, and newbie Senator Rodante Marcoleta ranked 1st, 3rd, and 6th in the final tally. 

The Marcos-Duterte dynastic feud is expected to continue as the 2028 presidential elections roll out.  

Senate: Dynasties win vs media celebrities 

The Senate will remain dominated by dynasties, following the defeat of media celebrities who initially figured in the surveys: broadcaster Ben Tulfo, action movie star Ramon “Bong” Revilla Jr., boxing champion Emmanuel “Manny” Pacquiao, and TV host Willie Revillame. 

There will still be two Tulfo senators in the next 20th Congress. Erwin Tulfo is moving from the House to the Senate, joining his brother Sen. Raffy Tulfo. They are one of four sibling pairs, showing that the legislative chamber has been monopolized by few families. 

The Tulfos will have the same number of elected positions the clan has in the current Congress. It is one member short of joining the list of “obese” political dynasties. 

Incumbent Sen. Raffy Tulfo’s son Quezon City Rep. Ralph Jr. is returning to the House of Representatives, and so is his wife Jocelyn, the second nominee of ACT-CIS party-list group. 

A sister, Wanda Teo, and her son Robert were unable to muster enough votes for the Ang Turismo party-list. 

Camille Villar, daughter of the country’s richest man, became the fourth in her family to be elected to the Senate since 2001. She is the campaign’s top spender, recording P3.5 billion “worth” of ads before discounts from October 2024 to March 2025. 

Her mother, outgoing Sen. Cynthia Villar, lost in her bid to replace Camille in the city’s lone congressional seat. But their relatives in Las Piñas, the Aguilar family, continue to rule the city.   

Pia Cayetano was also re-elected to keep her family’s two seats, along with brother Alan, in the Senate. Alan’s wife, Lani, won the mayoral race in Taguig City. They did not support the congressional bid of Alan’s brother, Lino Cayetano, who lost to Lani’s candidate, Ading Cruz.  

Brothers Jinggoy Estrada and JV Ejercito have three years more in their terms. But Jinggoy’s wife Percy Ejercito lost her bid in the party-list race. The Ejercitos won at least two local seats in Laguna province. 

Senators Ramon “Bong” Revilla Jr. and Francis Tolentino lost their re-election bids but their families won at least four seats each in Cavite province.  

Makati City Mayor Abigail Binay and former Mandaluyong City Mayor Benhur Abalos lost their senatorial bids, but their families also continue to rule their bailiwicks.  

Hopes for 2028 

In this year’s elections, reform advocates intensified the discourse on the links between political dynasties and poverty, underdevelopment, weak checks and balances, and corruption. 

Despite the continued dominance of political dynasties in the results, reform advocates see the needle moving in this year’s elections.  

Luie Guia of the Democratic Insights Group, former commissioner of the Commission on Elections, said he was encouraged. “I think it did (have an impact) to a certain extent,” he said.  

“The blatant display of dynastic politics may have generated some adverse reactions from the people, prompting them to consider the alternatives,” he said. 

Guia said political dynasties were put back on the defensive after years of trying to convince voters that they could be allies in good governance. 

“It looks like it (did have an impact),” said political analyst Julio Teehankee, although more studies will be needed. He said the campaign against celebrity politics also made an impact. 

The midterm elections are over, but the work is not done, they said. 

Guia said it is important to “take advantage of the gains” in the 2025 campaign. He said there’s a need to continue organizing and engaging in conversations about political dynasties and money in politics in between campaigns. 

There’s also a need to expand the constituency of reform before or simultaneously with lobbying for legislative reform, he said. 

At least two petitions were filed in the Supreme Court to compel Congress to enact the political dynasty ban. Some of the elected lawmakers have already promised to support it. 

Reform groups are optimistic, but Lente’s Caritos is also cautious against expecting too much.  

“I am an optimistic person, but when it comes to the country’s political dynasties, I’m a realist,” she told PCIJ. 

The country’s political dynasties have fought to stay in power for decades. They cannot be expected to give it up easily, groups said.

The post The ‘obese’ dynasties of the Philippines are back, but reform hopes rise for 2028 appeared first on CoverStory.

“It’s time to realign government with the people’s expectations,” the press release from the Presidential News Desk also quoted him as saying. 

Analysts were quick to point out that the President’s move is a reboot, a “bold reset,” an attempt to reverse the results of the midterm elections on May 12.

The midterm elections, literally held midway in the term of a president, are viewed as a referendum of the incumbent’s performance. Usually, whether in the Philippines, the United States, and other democracies, the candidates backed by the sitting administration emerge as the top winners.

In the May 2019 midterm elections, the Hugpong ng Pagbabago (HNP), an alliance backed by then Davao City Mayor Sara Duterte won 9 of the 12 Senate seats up for grabs. Her father, then President Rodrigo Duterte, initially said he would not endorse the HNP candidates but later endorsed the slate except for Senators Bong Revilla and Jinggoy Estrada. 

Four HNP candidates got the highest votes: Cynthia Villar (No.1), Bong Go (No. 3), Pia Cayetano (No. 4) and Ronald dela Rosa (No. 5). Grace Poe, who ran as an independent, clinched the No. 2 slot. 

In the May 2013 midterm elections, nine candidates of Team Pinoy won as senators with four as the topnotchers: Poe (No. 1), Loren Legarda (No. 2), Alan Peter Cayetano (No. 3) and Francis Escudero (No. 4).  Nancy Binay of the United Nationalist Alliance was No. 5. 

But in the recent midterms, only six of the candidates in the Malacañang-backed Alyansa para sa Bagong Pilipinas won as senators: Erwin Tulfo (No. 4), Panfilo Lacson (No. 7), Tito Sotto (No. 8), Pia Cayetano (No. 9), Camille Villar (No. 10), and Lito Lapid (No. 11). Nearing the end of the campaign, Villar appeared to have switched to the Duterte camp. 

Only three of the senatorial candidates of “DuterTen,” the coalition formed to oppose the Marcos-backed Alyansa, made it. But they were among the top six:  Go (No.1), Dela Rosa (No. 3) and Rodante Marcoleta (No. 6).  

Opposition candidates Bam Aquino emerged No. 2 and Kiko Pangilinan No. 5. They were the candidates of KiBam, the umbrella organization composed of the party-list group Akbayan and the Katipunan ng Nagkakaisang Pilipino, a platform for young voters. 

Has the Marcos Cabinet performed poorly in the eyes of the Filipino people, specifically the voters?

The latest available surveys on public satisfaction with the Cabinet as a whole by the Social Weather Stations pegged the number of “satisfied” in December 2022 at 59% and in December 2023 at 58%—about the same given the margin of error at plus or minus 2.5%.

Looking back, just a little over a month before the May 2019 midterm elections, public satisfaction with the Cabinet was at 57%. Though lower than the December 2023 satisfaction rating at 58%, this may be about the same given the margin of error. 

But in 2019, nine Malacañang-backed candidates won as senators and got the top votes. In contrast, this month, a lesser number of Malacañang candidates for senator won, with only one (Tulfo) landing among the top five.

This indicates that while some figures may seem the same, there are other indicators to consider other than the public satisfaction rating of the Cabinet as a whole. The questions to ask: What were the specific and recent events that influenced performance perception, not just of the Cabinet but also of the Marcos administration? What are the key determinants to get the Filipinos’ votes?

A “careful” performance evaluation is supposed to follow the President’s call for courtesy resignations. The review is to “determine who will continue to serve in line with his administration’s “recalibrated priorities.”

In a press briefing at Malacañang on May 23, Executive Secretary Lucas Bersamin announced that 52 officials including himself had each tendered a courtesy resignation.

Bersamin announced the retention of five key members of the economic team: Trade and Industry Secretary Cristina Roque, Finance Secretary Ralph Recto, Economy, Planning and Development Secretary Arsenio Balisacan, Budget Secretary Amenah Pangandaman, and Special Assistant to the President for Investment and Economic Affairs Secretary Frederick Go. 

Bersamin himself will stay on as executive secretary.

The President accepted the courtesy resignations of Ambassador Antonio Lagdameo, the Philippines’ permanent representative to the United Nations; Environment Secretary Maria Antonia Yulo Loyzaga; and Human Settlements and Urban Development Secretary Jose Rizalino Acuzar. But Acuzar will still be part of the Cabinet as presidential adviser for Pasig River development, and will retain his rank as secretary.

The next announcements from the Palace should indicate if the “reset” instituted by the President is indeed a bold move designed to offset the results of the midterm elections.

The post What to know so far about the courtesy resignations of Marcos Cabinet members appeared first on CoverStory.

The re-entry of Aquino and Pangilinan will alter the dynamics in the 24-member chamber that will need the votes of 16 senators to convict Duterte, or 9 to acquit her. They are sure to backstop the lone opposition member, Sen. Risa Hontiveros.

“They are expected to be more circumspect or to be more critical of the process that will transpire and, as well, to have more appreciation of the facts,” Kontra Daya convenor Danilo Arao told CoverStory.ph by phone.

In a high-stakes impeachment trial such as Duterte’s, where “vote-buying” or “horse-trading” could happen, it’s hard to say how the trial would end, according to Arao.

“Bam and Kiko could also be decisive especially in a situation where, the impeachment trial being a numbers game, you can’t tell for sure whether there will be an acquittal or a conviction,” he said, adding:

“Their votes can be decisive in the sense that they might end up as the swing votes. But of course, these are just floated possibilities.”

In a survey-defying, come-from-behind win in the tight senatorial race in the May 12 midterm elections, Aquino landed second with 20.9 million votes and Pangilinan fifth with 15.3 million votes.

They had languished outside the “Magic 12” in all pre-election surveys.

But between the two former colleagues, Aquino will be taking part in the trial with possible baggage—the endorsement of the religious bloc Iglesia ni Cristo (INC), which held a “peace rally” in January to convey its opposition to Duterte’s impeachment. He was among the eight senatorial candidates endorsed by the 3-million-strong INC.

“There is more pressure on Aquino to prove his naysayers wrong,” Arao said.

‘Big improvement’

The big win of Aquino and Pangilinan in the midterms was a “big improvement” for the Senate opposition, according to Ma. Ela Atienza, a political science professor at the University of the Philippines Diliman.

“Definitely, Senator Risa will have allies who are consistent, calling for accountability, focusing on the marginalized sector,” Atienza said in an interview via Zoom.

But while some expect a judgment along political lines in the impeachment trial, it’s hard to tell how the senators will vote because they will deal with a public who will try to sway them one way or the other, she said.

“The thing about impeachment is that it’s public. The people are involved—they lobby, they try to persuade the senators to vote in accordance with what seems to be a public sentiment,” Atienza said.

“And senators care so much about how they are perceived publicly because they have intentions of running for higher public office,” she added, referring to the 2028 presidential election.

In the end, Atienza said, it will depend on “how they will look at the evidence.”

Duterte is accused of bribery, corruption, and culpable violation of the Constitution in connection with the alleged misuse of some P612 million in confidential funds at the Office of the Vice President and the Department of Education, which she headed from 2022 to 2024.

The articles of impeachment against her are expected to be formally presented to the Senate on June 2, and the trial is slated to begin on July 30.

Winning factors

Atienza cited certain factors that propelled Aquino and Pangilinan to the top 5 from their poor 16th to 17th rankings in the pre-election surveys. She said the flurry of activities in the last two weeks of the campaign—from securing endorsements from local officials to sharing sample ballots with the candidates’ names on them on social media—may have spelled the difference.

Arao agreed with this observation. “The key factor would be the sweep that they did,” he said. “In other words, you don’t take credit away from their campaign team. They really knew what to do, toward the tail end of the campaign.”

“So,” Atienza said, “the latest survey results notwithstanding, they were able to make adjustments.”

The endorsements of other senators were also crucial, she said.

Aquino and Pangilinan may have also benefited from the “disunity” of the Marcos-Duterte “UniTeam,” Atienza added. “If [the people] were voting for only 10, say in the [administration’s] Alyansa slate, it was easier to squeeze the two in.”

During the campaign, Sen. Imee Marcos. President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s elder sister, bolted the administration’s Alyansa para sa Bagong Pilipinas, and together with administration candidate Camille Villar, sought the endorsement of the Vice President.

In the end, Villar ranked 10th with 13.6 million votes and Marcos 12th with 13.3 million votes.

“And definitely, the Aquino magic is still there. That’s an important factor,” Atienza said, referring to the endorsements of the siblings of the late former president Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III for Bam Aquino, their cousin.

Arao said the turnout of young voters may also have been a huge factor in the comeback bid of Aquino and Pangilinan.

“We don’t take away the power of the youth vote because whether we like it or not, it’s the youth that would have the energy and the patience to go to the polling precincts despite the high heat index, despite the long lines,” Arao said.

Without any exit polls to determine how the population voted, Atienza refused to make a “sweeping generalization” that the youth—meaning the millennials and Gen Zs—sent Aquino and Pangilinan back to the Senate.

“There were many who opposed the fight between families, and that’s good,” she said. “But still there were those who voted for ‘trapos’ (traditional politicians) and those who believed in patronage politics.”

(Sagip party list Rep. Rodante Marcoleta also pole-vaulted from out of nowhere to land No. 6 behind Pangilinan, benefiting from the endorsements of the INC and gubernatorial candidates courting the so-called INC votes.)

Arao observed that more than the so-called “pink vote,” Aquino and Pangilinan were also privileged to have a “respectable war chest” for their respective candidacies. “It may not be as much as the administration candidates’, but it’s more than enough for them to wage a decent national campaign,” he said.

And with Akbayan assured of three seats in the House of Representatives after topping the party list race, “it’s a win for the genuine opposition,” Atienza said.
(Activist lawyers Chel Diokno of Akbayan and Leila de Lima of ML or Mamamayang Liberal, both newly proclaimed representatives-elect, have been tapped to be part of the House prosecution panel at Duterte’s impeachment trial.)

Survey methodologies

Arao said the Senate vote turnout should prompt survey firms like Pulse Asia and Social Weather Stations to refine their methodologies.

For instance, he said, the most basic question ‘Who would you vote for if the elections were held today?’ may be rephrased as ‘Who would you vote for on May 12?’

“This is to ensure that more people will get an idea as to what kind of voter base you have at the moment,” Arao said. “Of course, the age group may have to be also adjusted so that you can get more Gen Z or millennial votes to make it more representative of the youth vote.”

It is also high time survey firms, the academe and the media conducted survey literacy, Arao said, noting that there are “many ways in which surveys can be weaponized.”

“It may be necessary for other news organizations to step up and provide the necessary logistical and financial requirements for an exit poll,” he said.

Read more: Members of the ‘Magic 12’ set the tone of the Senate in the 20th Congress

The post How the Bam-Kiko win alters the landscape of the Senate appeared first on CoverStory.

Comelec Chair George Erwin Garcia announced that 54 party-list groups won seats in the House of Representatives in the May 12 midterm elections, and that 41.9 million of 57.3 million actual voters cast their ballots for party-list groups.

The winning party-list groups are entitled to 63 seats in the House, according to Garcia, who opened the proclamation of the winners at the Manila Hotel Tent City with a speech that he delivered in Filipino.

He read aloud Comelec Resolution No.14-25 declaring the winners following the canvass of votes for 175 participating party-list groups by the poll body en banc sitting as the National Board of Canvassers last May 15.

‘Historic’ increase

Garcia marveled at the “historic” fact that the party-list elections saw an increase in the number of groups garnering more than one seat. Of the 54 winners, six gained from three to two seats, he said.

Topnotcher Akbayan, which garnered 2,779,621 votes, gained three seats along with Duterte Youth (2,338,564), and Tingog (1,822,708).

ACT-CIS (1,822,708 votes), 4PS (1,239,930), and Ako Bicol (1,073,119) gained two seats each.

“This is not just numbers in a record, but proof that support and collective action are widening in these groups,” Garcia said in his speech. Likewise, he said, this showed that “representation is not just symbolic but a sincere and strong interaction” in their communities.

“In the ordinary face of democracy, it’s the principle of majority that prevails,” Garcia said, adding:

“This means the group that has the most numbers will prevail. But in the spirit of the party-list system, it’s not only the numbers that become the guide. The goal is to give voice to perspectives that are usually set aside so that they can be represented in the legislature.”

He thanked the voters, describing them as the “force” in the midterm polls, and saluted his fellow commissioners, other poll officials, and all those who helped make the May 12 midterm elections possible.

The proclamation of the party-list winners, which took place seven days after Election Day, was the fastest since automated elections were implemented in 2010.

Applause

Of the party-list nominees present at the ceremony, former senator Leila de Lima and human rights lawyer Jose “Chel” Diokno received the loudest applause from the audience when they came forward to receive their “certificates of proclamation” from Comelec officials led by Garcia.

De Lima represents ML (or Mamamayang Liberal), which got 547,949 votes and ranked No. 14, entitling it to one seat in the House. Diokno is the first nominee of Akbayan, the top winner that got 2,779,621 votes, entitling it to three seats. The two other Akbayan nominees are Perci Cendaña, former commissioner of the National Youth Commission, and women’s rights advocate Dadah Kiram.

As De Lima walked to the front, she met outgoing senator Grace Poe, who was on her way back to her seat after having a photograph taken with her son, Brian Llamanzares, nominee of the FPJ Panday Bayanihan that ranked No.15 with 538,003 votes. The two women shook hands.

Poe was among the 16 senators who voted in 2016 for De Lima’s ouster as chair of the Senate committee on justice, which looked into the extrajudicial killings in the “war on drugs” waged by then President Rodrigo Duterte.

De Lima was arrested in 2017 on drug charges, which she said were made up by Duterte and his camp in retaliation for her Senate investigation. She spent more than six years in detention in Camp Crame in Quezon City before being cleared of the drug charges in all three cases filed against her.

Last week, however, the Court of Appeals declared null and void the 2023 decision of the Muntinlupa Regional Trial Court Branch 204 acquitting De Lima. Her camp pointed out that the appeals court merely voided the decision and did not reverse it, so that the municipal judge could rewrite the decision.

Sen. Raffy Tulfo was also present at the proclamation because his wife, Jocelyn Tulfo, is one of the two nominees of ACT-CIS.

Also in attendance was former Ilocos Sur governor Chavit Singson, whose daughter, Ako Ilokano Ako party-list Rep. Richelle Singson, will return to the House after her group ranked No. 44 with 301,406 votes.

Disqualification cases

Garcia announced the Comelec’s suspension of the proclamation of Duterte Youth and Bagong Henerasyon (BH) due to the pending disqualification cases filed against them.

He said Duterte Youth (ranked No. 2 with 2,338,564 votes) had two petitions, and BH (ranked No. 39, with 319,803 votes) had one.

“Considering the serious allegations raised in the above petitions, which involved grave violations of election laws, the National Board of Canvassers resolved to suspend the proclamation of Duterte Youth and BH, until the speedy and judicious resolution of the petitions filed before the clerk of the Commission,” Garcia said of the resolution dated May 18.

The other party-list winners are the following, ranked from No. 7 to 54:

Uswag Ilonggo (775,754), Solid North Party (765,322), Trabaho (709,283), Cibac (593,911), Malasakit Bayanihan (580,100), Senior Citizens (577,753), PPP (575,762), United Senior Citizens (533,913), 4K (521,592), LPGMA (517,833), COOP-NATCCO (509,913), Ako Bisaya (477,796).

CWS (477,517), Pinoy Workers (475,985), Agap (469,412), Asenso Pinoy (423,133), Agimat (420,813),TGP (407,922), Sagip (405,297), Alona (393,684),1-Rider (385,700), Kamanggagawa (382,657), Galing sa Puso (381,880), Bicol Saro (366,177), Kusug Tausug (365,916), ACT Teachers (353,631).One COOP (334,098).

KM Ngayon (324,405), Abamin (320,349),TUCP (314.814), Kabataan (312,344), Apec (310,427), Magbubukid (310,427).1Tahanan (309,761), Manila Teachers (301,291), Nanay (293,430), Kapuso PM (293,149),SSS-GSIS (290,359), Dumper PTDA (279,532), Abang Lingkod (274,735), Pusong Pinoy (266,623), Swerte (261,379), Philreca (261,045).

Read more: Members of the ‘Magic 12’ set the tone of the Senate in the 20th Congress

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Toward the 7 p.m. close of polling precincts nationwide on Monday, May 12, Kontra Daya said the errors in the automated counting machines (ACM) accounted for most of the problems encountered in the midterm polls.

It said the “verified reports” it had received concerning ACM errors included paper jams, “overvoting” due to “slight smudges,” or markings on the ballot, and mismatches between the actual candidates chosen by voters and the results shown on the receipt of the names on the ballot.

This receipt is called the VVPAT, or the voter verifiable paper audit trail, which is a slip of paper that emerges from the ACM after the ballot is inserted into it and read by the machine. It is like a receipt from a grocery or supermarket cash register.

The VVPAT is an important document in checking for election fraud.

Kontra Daya said overvoting would nullify all the choices made by the voter for a certain position such as senator, and the VVPAT-ballot mismatch would result in a wrong count.

Disenfranchisement

The outcome would be “critical in the sense that it may have resulted in disenfranchisement and inaccurate counting of the votes,” Kontra Daya convenor Danny Arao told CoverStory.

He said the ACM being used in the midterm elections, which was made by a Korean company, is “oversensitive,” so that a small smudge, if it is within the circle to be shaded beside the name of a candidate, could be counted for that candidate even if it is not the voter’s choice.

According to unverified social media reports, some voters had complained that the VVPAT showed names of senatorial candidates they did not vote for.

If the smudge is outside the circle, it could be considered an overvote, and invalidate all the votes for that position. In the case of the Senate race, the machine would report that the ballot contained more votes than the maximum 12 for senators.

Arao said the disenfranchisement due to a machine problem also occurred for the “flimsiest of reasons,” such as the skewed insertion of ballots or when the ACMs do not properly read the votes because of smudges.

Hours before the balloting ended, Kontra Daya reported 305 cases of ACM errors, or 54% percent of verified reports, which include malfunctions that caused hour-long delays.

These delays, Arao said, could also lead to disenfranchisement as some voters may decide to leave without filling out their ballots.

Kontra Daya also received reports of 44 incidents of illegal campaigning, or 44% of Election Day problems. Disenfranchisement (41 incidents or 7%) included missing voters’ names from the list of voters and “procedural barriers.”

There were also 35 incidents of Red-tagging (in which candidates or groups are labeled as supporters if not members of insurgent groups). Noncompliance of rules by members of the Board of Election Inspectors accounted for 34 cases or 6%.

Vote-buying (3%), election-related violence (3%), black propaganda (2%), tampered ballots (2%), harassment of voters (2%) and other Election Day problems (8%) were also reported by Kontra Daya.

According to Arao, the cases of disenfranchisement will impact tightly contested races where every vote counts. In the senatorial elections, that would impact the candidates in the 10th to 14th positions. In local close fights where the candidates are almost evenly matched, it would also have an impact. 

Obviously, for unopposed candidates, disenfranchisement would not matter at all.

Possible election fraud

Kontra Daya and Computer Professionals Union (CPU) also raised concerns about the allegations made by lawyer Harold Respicio, a candidate for vice mayor of Reina Mercedes, Isabela, of possible election fraud due to a mismatch between the software version used by the ACM for Election Day and what had earlier been approved or certified.

Respicio said in a Facebook post on May 10 that the final version 3.5.0, which he said was not officially certified, was different from the certified audited version, 3.4.0, not only in the version number but also in the hash code.

The software is a set of instructions used by the ACM, from the time the machine is turned on, reads the ballots, transmits the results, and puts out its reports until it shuts down.

Pointing to the reported changes in the software cited by Respicio, CPU said version 3.5.0 had a hash code beginning with 0438, while version 3.4.0 starts with 3AD9.

“A different system version could mean that changes were inserted into the source code, altering its entire function or creating, intentionally or unintentionally, a ‘backdoor’ that may be exploited to manipulate election results,” CPU said in a statement on the eve of the polls. “The implications of this discrepancy are profound.”

The Commission on Elections (Comelec) dismissed the allegation as fake news, saying that version 3.4.0 became version 3.5.0 after it was certified.

Without referring to Respicio by name, Comelec Chair George Erwin Garcia said the “candidate” just saw the hash code of the local source code review report that was audited, and that the final version was the “trusted build” of the software. 

Kontra Daya said in a statement that the ACM and its “inner workings should reflect the people’s vote and be subject to public scrutiny to ensure that it will record our vote.” 

CPU said that regardless of the Comelec’s explanations, the change in the software version “completely undermines the whole process of transparency and accountability” and “raises questions about the integrity of the entire electoral process.”

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Ferdinand Marcos Jr. is now the country’s 17th president. He was elected in May 2022 in one of the biggest political comebacks in history. It came nearly four decades after a bloodless people’s revolt ousted his father, strongman Ferdinand Marcos (1965-1986).

In Ilocos Sur, the Singson clan led by former Gov. Luis “Chavit” Singson stands out for its size.

At least 23 of them are running for multiple positions in the province, based on research by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ). It may yet be the biggest number of candidates from a single clan running for public office in the May 12 elections.

They are the “super obese dynasty” of the country, according to Danilo Arao, convenor of the election watchdog Kontra Daya.

The Marcos and the Singson clans are also considered “mega dynasties,” those comprising several dynasties banding together to control not only provinces but the entire country, according to Arao.

They have counterparts in other parts of the country: Romualdezes, Villars and Arroyos.

In the Ilocos as well as in other regions, dynasties either compete or ally with each other. What they enjoy in common are “political interests that would determine how they will go about consolidating power, wealth and influence,’’ Arao said.

These political interests affect family relations as relatives run against each other or ally with “perceived enemies,’’ he said.

“In a sense, one can say that dynasties can get ideas from how other dynasties operate but the underlying current is still their uncompromising resolve to retain and strengthen political and economic leverage not just against other political clans, but also against the people in whose name they claim to run,’’ he told PCIJ.

Ilocos Norte: Trouble between Macoy’s children?

In the midterm elections on Monday, six members of the Marcos political clan are running for public office.

The President’s sister, Sen. Imee Marcos, is seeking reelection. She has bolted the administration ticket and thrown her lot with the Dutertes, whose patriarch Rodrigo Duterte is facing charges for crimes against humanity before the International Criminal Court in The Hague, Netherlands.

It was Duterte who ordered the interment of the strongman at the Libingan ng mga Bayani months into his presidency in 2016.

But there’s more than meets the eye here, according to Arao, whose group Kontra Daya also checks the expanding influence of political dynasties in the country.

“The relationship between Bongbong Marcos and Imee Marcos is a classic example of how political clans would sometimes go against each other even if they have common interests in terms of consolidating power, wealth and influence,’’ he said.

While they’re not on the “same political page” at the moment, “they are still blood relatives regardless of what happens,” Arao said. “As the saying goes, blood is thicker than water but class interest is the ‘one ring that rules them all,’ to quote from a classic,” he added.

Marcos’ son, Rep. Sandro Marcos (first district), is also seeking reelection.

The President’s cousin-in-law, Vice Gov. Cecilia Araneta-Marcos, is running for governor, while his nephew, Gov. Matthew Joseph Manotoc, is vying for vice governor in a case of position switching, according to PCIJ data.

His cousins, Laoag City Mayor Michael Keon and 2nd District Rep. Angelo Marcos Barba, are also seeking reelection.

Ilocos Sur: The ‘super obese’ dynasty of Singsons

Chavit Singson withdrew from the Senate race as early as Jan. 14, citing his need to recover from pneumonia.

The political kingpin of Ilocos Sur had fared poorly in the polls, trailing far behind the pack of “survey leaders”—composed mostly of reelectionists and returnees except for two broadcaster-brothers—battling for 12 Senate seats.

The withdrawal of the 83-year-old former governor, however, will hardly make a dent on the dynasty’s reign in the province.

At least 23 other Singsons are running for multiple other positions in the province of at least 700,000 in this year’s midterms.

One of his sons, Luis Charles, is running for two positions. He is running for councilor in Narvacan town, and is also the No. 4 nominee of the Ako Ilokano Ako, a party list group currently represented by his sister Richelle Singson.

An aspirant who files a certificate of candidacy (CoC) for more than one office shall not be eligible for any of them, according to Commission on Elections (Comelec) Resolution No. 11045, promulgated in August 2024.

The aspirant, however, may cancel the CoC for one office in favor of the other, not later than Oct. 8, 2024, the same resolution said. As of this writing, the young Singson remains a candidate for councilor in Narvacan.

“Conceptually, you can’t be a nominee if you’re running for an elective post. It’s like you’re running for two positions,’’ former Comelec commissioner Luie Tito Guia told PCIJ.

Party-list groups can win up to three seats, but nominees have previously stepped aside to let others take their place.

Chavit’s brother, incumbent Gov. Jeremias “Jerry” Singson, and another son, incumbent Vice Gov. Ryan Singson, are running unopposed and up for reelection, bidding to keep the clan’s decades-long foothold in the provincial capitol.

The fact that nobody is challenging Jeremias and Ryan Singson, among others, indicates that the clan has wielded “power and influence through the years despite changes in the administration,” said Arao.

Chavit’s grandniece Janina Singson Medina-Fariñas, and former House Rep. Eric Singson’s son Ericson Singson and niece Fayina Pilar Zaragoza are also vying for seats in the 10-member provincial board.

Chavit and Eric are relatives.

In the capital Vigan City, Chavit’s son Randy Singson is running for mayor unopposed. His nephew, reelectionist Evaristo “Bobit” Singson III, and his sister-in-law, Katherine “Mia” Aguila Singson, are seeking a seat in the city council.

Meanwhile, in Caoayan town, Chavit’s sister, Mayor Germelina Singson Goulart, and her son, Vice Mayor Juan Paolo Singson Ancheta, are seeking another term unopposed.

Chavit’s grandniece Annea Cassandra Singson de Leon is also running for mayor in Sto. Domingo town.

In his own bailiwick Candon City, Eric Singson is running for mayor unopposed. His niece Kristelle Singson is also running for vice mayor unopposed, while his nephew Jaime Singson and son Eric Owen Singson are running for councilor.

In the congressional race, Chavit’s son Rep. Ronald Singson and Eric’s daughter Rep. Kristine Singson-Meehan are seeking reelection in the province’s first and second district, respectively.

The Singsons joined the party list race in 2022, when Chavit’s daughter Richelle Singson won a House seat through the Ako Ilokano Ako group.

In this year’s midterms, Richelle is the party list group’s No. 1 nominee, while the rest of its nominees are Eric Singson’s son Allen Singson, and Chavit’s other children, Chelsey Louisse Singson, Christian Luis Singson and Luis Charles Singson, the candidate for councilor in Narvacan.

Another party list group, Probinsiyano Ako, is identified with the Singsons. Its second nominee is Chavit’s brother Jose “Bonito” Singson Jr.

“For the patriarch, it’s his way of letting his sons, daughters and other relatives inherit whatever ‘legacy’ he has, for lack of a better term. He’s actually giving way because he knows that he’s not immortal,” Arao said.

La Union: Oldest political dynasty battle it out against each other

In La Union, the Ortegas’ political journey is one for the books. It all began in 1901, when the American colonial government appointed Don Joaquin Ortega as governor of the province, from 1901 to 1904. Since then, other members have served in various posts.

This year, 12 members of the clan are gunning for different positions. The province has become so small for the growing clan that some are battling one another for the same positions.

For instance, the gubernatorial race pits reelectionist Gov. Raphaelle Veronica Ortega-David against her grandfather, incumbent Vice Gov. Mario Ortega.

The first district congressional race is a battle between reelectionist Rep. Paolo Ortega and his cousin, incumbent provincial board member Joy Ortega.

In the surfing town of San Juan, Vice Mayor Manuel Ortega is challenging his aunt, Mariquita Padua Ortega, for mayor.

These inter-family contests will guarantee that the clan will keep these posts.

The Ortega clan also seeks to expand to new territory, the 2nd District seat, which a family member is not known to have won before.

Former governor Pacoy Ortega is running for the congressional seat. If he wins, it will mark the first time the Ortega clan controls both districts of the province.

The other candidates are Geraldine “Denny” Ortega for provincial board member; Vice Mayor Alfred Ortega for San Fernando City mayor; Pablo Ortega for San Fernando City vice mayor; and Daniel Bianca Ortega and Jose Mari Ortega for San Fernando City councilor.

Some in the clan acknowledged political disagreements, but said their desire to serve the public motivates them to run against one another, and leave their fate in the hands of voters.

Pangasinan: Relatively new dynasty

In contrast with the durable Ortega dynasty, and obese Marcos and Singson dynasties, the Espinos are a relatively new dynasty in Pangasinan.

In his first foray into politics, Amado Espino Jr., a former police director of Region 1 and a 1972 graduate of the Philippine Military Academy, was elected 1st District congressman in 2001.

He won a second term in 2004. Buoyed by his electoral victories in the House of Representatives, he took a crack at governorship and won in 2007, then in 2010 and 2013.

When his term ended in 2016, he made another successful run in the 5th District’s congressional race, while his son Amado III succeeded him as governor.

In 2019, Amado Jr. lost his reelection bid to Ramon Guico III. But other family members were victorious. Amado III won in his reelection bid as governor, his brother Jumel Anthony as 2nd District congressman and his mother Priscilla as mayor of Bugallon town.

In 2022, Amado III lost his bid for a third term as governor to Guico.

This year, Amado III is bidding to win his rematch against Guico in the gubernatorial race, while Amado Jr. seeks to rejoin the House as the No. 1 nominee of Abante Pangasinan-Ilokano party list group.

Changing tides?

The 1987 Constitution bans political dynasty, but Congress has yet to pass an implementing law. Both chambers are largely composed of dynasts.

The problem is, the country’s own system allows dynasties to flourish, said Arao.

But the times may be changing, political analyst Julio Teehankee told PCIJ. “There’s a growing public sentiment—and you can feel that online—that people are sick and tired of dynasties,’’ he said.

Teehankee said the defeat of 32 candidates from political clans in the 2019 midterms somehow reflected this sentiment, although some managed to make a comeback in 2022.

Citing studies, he said there’s a correlation between high percentage of obese and fat dynasties, and poverty, underdevelopment and corruption.

Given all this, Arao cited the need for the public to “put pressure” on Congress to pass an anti-dynasty law, and reform the party-list system by including mechanisms that protect the marginalized and under-represented sectors.

“The chances [for the passage of an anti-dynasty law] are quite slim, and in fact, I would even argue it’s impossible if they will decide on their own. And that’s why, to quote from Justice [Antonio] Carpio about the West Philippine Sea, public pressure is also necessary,’’ he said.

“There is a slight possibility where those dynasties will be voting against their own interest if they’re forced to do so,” he added.

Teehankee agreed: “Different sectors of society should continue their full-court press to pressure reform-minded members of dynasties to consider passing the anti-dynasty law, if they’re really interested in public service.” With research from Sherwin de Vera, Northern Dispatch

Read more: When voters say ‘enough’: Dynasties in Leyte, Cainta and Pasig fall from power

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Rogelio Barajas, a resident of Legazpi City in Albay for over five decades, will never forget how Typhoon “Reming” (international name: Durian) unleashed lahar flow from the slopes of Mayon in 2006 that swept through his village, Barangay Mabinit, and claimed the lives of hundreds of his neighbors.

Nearly twenty years on, Barajas has forgotten the names of the dead, but the politicians who came to their aid remain etched in his memory.

“We were stripped bare, left with nothing but the clothes on our backs when ‘Reming’ struck, causing the lahar flow. So when they arrived, bearing aid, our gratitude was immense and overwhelming,” Barajas told the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ).

Many survivors of disasters in Bicol have the same story to tell, said climate activist John Emmanuel Tayo, a volunteer of Greenpeace Philippines in the island province of Catanduanes.

“Most politicians here cultivate an image of heroism by personally appearing on the ground during crises … Their brief speeches during aid distribution events invariably emphasize that the relief is a direct result of their personal efforts,” he said.

Nowhere is this dynamic more visible than in the transformation of SOS-Bicol—a nongovernment organization originally formed to assist calamity victims—into Ako Bicol (AKB) party-list group, which now holds two seats in the House of Representatives.

But many of Bicol’s politicians could have done more. PCIJ’s research and interviews show they either supported or did not oppose government projects blamed for environmental abuses that have increased communities’ vulnerability to calamities.

Bicol region is home to several political dynasties, including the Khos of Masbate—considered among the most “obese” in the country with at least five family members seeking public office in May.

It also hosts the political dynasties of the Cos of Albay, Villafuertes of Camarines Sur, and the Padilla dynasty in Camarines Norte, now led by Senator Robin Padilla.

Mahar Lagmay, a professor at the National Institute of Geological Sciences at the University of the Philippines-Diliman, said the Bicol River Basin is a disaster risk hotspot that demands active government intervention and public preparedness.

Political leaders, he said, have a duty to address hazards through careful community planning. But the lack of proper hazard mapping significantly increases people’s exposure to risks.

“An ounce of prevention is better than a pound of cure,’’ he said.

In Catanduanes, Greenpeace volunteer Tayo blamed illegal mining for the disaster that followed the onslaught of typhoons “Pepito” and “Kristine” last year,

In Albay, Bishop Joel Baylon of the Catholic Diocese of Legazpi—along with other Catholic Church leaders—also blamed quarry operations for the flooding.

Vic Lawrence Moya, a political scientist and a resident of Camarines Norte, also pointed out the irony that relief distribution often peaks just as elections draw near.

The culture of debt of gratitude powers the political machinery of dynasties, making it nearly impossible for new challengers to compete, said Moya.

It is the same in Masbate, said resident Ma. Rizza Francisco, now based in Albay, a student leader advocating for political reforms in the region.

Lagmay has criticized politicians for pushing flood control projects that fail to deliver results. These projects were scrutinized following devastation from typhoons “Kristine” and “Pepito” last year, where Camarines Sur was the hardest hit.

The flood control projects in Sorsogon had also previously come under scrutiny.

The quarry operations of the Cos in Albay

Ako Bicol traces its roots to SOS-Bicol, a non-governmental organization originally formed to assist victims of calamities such as Mayon Volcano eruptions and the frequent typhoons that strike the region.

It would go on to launch the political career of Elizaldy Co, who rose to become a powerful figure in the House of Representatives—until his recent removal in January as chair of the appropriations committee following a controversial budget dispute.

When it joined the party list race in 2010, Ako Bicol received over a million votes and secured three seats for its top three nominees—Co’s brother Christopher Co; Rodel Batocabe; and Alfredo Garbin.

Elizaldy is seeking reelection as the first nominee of Ako Bicol party list group. Christopher is now seeking a fresh term as Albay’s second district representative. Their sister, Farida “Diday” Co, a political neophyte, is now running for vice governor in the province.

Christopher’s daughter Angelica Natasha Co won a House seat in 2022 representing the Barangay Health Workers (BHW) party list group. She is the group’s No. 1 nominee in this year’s midterm elections.

Should they all win, three clan members will be sitting in the House, while one will serve as vice governor.

The party list group maintains its image as a provider of aid, regularly distributing relief during calamities. But the Cos also operate quarries in the province.

Sunwest Group Holding, Inc.—a conglomerate established by the Co family in 1997 with interests in construction, energy, shopping malls, and real estate – operates quarries in Legazpi and Daraga, including the village where Barajas resides.

According to 2020 data from Mines and Geosciences Bureau (MGB), it is also the sole operator with an industrial sand and gravel (ISAG) permit in Albay.

“We cannot deny that this is part of the relentless destruction of the mountains here—the quarrying and the construction of roads through the irresponsible digging of land,” said Bishop Joel Baylon of the Catholic Diocese of Legazpi during a November 2024 press conference, where he urged President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. to probe uncontrolled quarrying in the region.

He joined many Catholic church leaders in blaming the flooding during typhoons like “Kristine” and “Pepito” in 2024 on quarrying operations in Albay.

“That is why there are no more trees whose roots can keep the land stable despite heavy rain,” Baylon said.

The bishop said they wanted the government to regulate, not stop, quarrying in the province.

Quarrying provides livelihood for many families in Albay, but the unchecked extraction of volcanic materials has worsened flooding during typhoons, leaving communities trapped between economic survival and growing environmental risks.

Elizaldy Co claimed to have divested from the corporation after it was linked to controversies involving government contracts, including the Pharmally scandal and the Department of Education’s laptop procurement deal.

But a new investigation by Rappler shows that he and his family remain as active shareholders of business tied to the company.

Rep. Joey Salceda of the second district, known for his “zero casualty” campaign during typhoons, also allowed quarry operations when he was governor from 2007 to 2016.

Salceda’s successor, former governor Noel Rosal, tried to regulate quarry operations in the province. On his first day in office in 2022, Rosal issued Executive Order No. 1, temporarily suspending quarrying operations in the province.

However, quarrying resumed shortly after, with Rosal acknowledging the economic benefits it brought the community.

In Camarines Norte, aid pours in when elections approach

In Camarines Norte, Vic Lawrence Moya, a political science graduate of Bicol University and a resident of the province, said the culture of debt of gratitude fuels the dynasties’ political machinery, making it impossible for new challengers to compete against them.

“If there are candidates who do not come from political dynasties, they lack the machinery to contest the culture of money politics and command popularity votes,” he said.

He said aid from politicians also tends to pour in whenever an election approaches. He recalled how aid was scarce at the height of the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020, but began to pour in as the 2022 campaign period approached.

“In the aftermath of the pandemic, aid continued to be distributed among our residents, but it was most prevalent before the start of the campaign period, usually facilitated by our district representatives,” he said.

Camarines Norte has many enduring political dynasties, including the Padilla, Tallado, and Panotes families.

The Padilla political dynasty has established a significant and lasting presence in Camarines Norte, with its roots dating back to the mid-20th century. Roy Padilla Sr., the family patriarch, held various local and provincial positions before he was assassinated in Labo town in 1988.

Roy Padilla Jr. carried on the family’s political legacy and served as the provincial governor. His brother, actor Robin Padilla, is a senator. Their brother Ricarte “Bong” Padilla is the incumbent governor of Camarines Norte and is seeking reelection.

Padilla’s main opponent, Edgardo Tallado, has also established his family’s political dominance. His wife Josie Tallado currently represents the 1st District in the House, while their son Alvin Tallado has repeatedly run for mayor in Labo.

The tenure of the political dynasty over the last 15 years was haunted by complaints about the elder Tallado’s issuance of quarrying and mining permits to companies.

A complaint submitted to then Local Government Secretary Jesse Robredo in 2012 alleged that Talledo’s issuance of permits to mining companies led to the weakening of soil and dumping of hazardous substances into more than 40 hectares of corals and marine life in the waters off Barangay Bagumbayan.

Robredo investigated the allegations, which Tallado denied. More complaints were filed against Tallado over mining operations in 2014 and 2016.

The DENR has warned that several towns in the province are at risk of soil liquefaction due to mining. In 2024, Camarines Norte was among the provinces hit by widespread flooding.

Moya said residents of Camarines Norte have long been aware of the issues, but continue to vote for the same politicians.

“CamNorteños vote for members of political dynasties every election because we are not given other choices,” Moya said.

Camarines Sur under scrutiny after ‘Kristine’

Camarines Sur also has an enduring political dynasty: the Villafuertes.

Since the martial law era, members of the clan have been swapping positions to keep their control of the province. They have come under criticism over their handling of disaster response.

The Villafuertes were criticized after severe Tropical Storm “Kristine” unleashed flooding in the province last year. In response they claimed that they had been preoccupied with distributing packs of relief goods to their constituents.

Notwithstanding the criticisms against them, seven members of the clan are vying for various local positions on May 12.

Incumbent 2nd District Rep. Luis Raymond “L-Ray” Villafuerte is aiming to switch positions with his son, incumbent Gov. Vincenzo Renato Luigi Villafuerte. His other son, 5th District Rep. Miguel Luis “Migz” Villafuerte, is also seeking reelection.

L-Ray’s wife, Lara Maria Villafuerte, and son, Julio Mari Villafuerte, are listed as nominees of Bicol Saro, a party list group endorsed by actress Yassi Pressman, who is Luigi’s girlfriend.

Toots De Quiros, who is running against Leni Robredo for the mayoral post in Naga City, and Nonoy Villafuerte Magtuto, who is running for the 3rd District Representative post, are cousins of L-Ray.

After “Kristine,” the Senate also inquired into the status of funds for flood protection projects in the Bicol region—P29.4 billion in 2023 and P31.9 billion in 2024

Out of these, Camarines Sur received over P2.175 billion in 2023 and P2.188 billion in 2024 for flood protection and mitigation projects. The projects proved ineffective against flooding on the watch of the Villafuertes.

Lagmay has criticized flood control projects and other expensive infrastructure that fail to deliver results.

“We need to move people out of harm’s way by establishing truly safe evacuation centers. That is more important than allocating resources to flood control solutions that we know have not worked for a long time,” he told PCIJ.

“We have spent so much time and resources on flood control projects, and even when they fail, there is no accountability or responsibility from the authorities. Not learning from our mistakes is a serious oversight,” he said.

Sorsogon flood projects, too

In Sorsogon, before the Covid-19 pandemic, the Hamor political dynasty found itself in the middle of a budget “insertion” controversy involving funding for flood protection projects in Casiguran town.

When Jose Edwin “Boboy” Hamor was mayor of the town, the late Camarines Sur Rep. Rolando G. Andaya Jr. (first district) accused then Budget Secretary Benjamin E. Diokno of allocating funds to Casiguran as a favor to the Hamor family, citing links between the secretary’s daughter to now Sorsogon City Mayor Ester Hamor.

Andaya argued that other provinces were more in need of the funding than Sorsogon.

The Hamors denied allegations of favoritism. The contract was ultimately awarded to Aremar Construction, a company largely owned by “Boboy” Hamor, incumbent Sorsogon governor, and husband of Ester Hamor.

The daughter of Bobby and Ester, Maria Minez “EM” Hamor, is mayor of Casiguran town.

Small scale mining in Catanduanes

Catanduanes also reeled from the devastation of “Kristine” and “Pepito” in 2024.

Greenpeace’s Tayo said continued mining operations in the province have not helped build the province’s resilience. Catanduanes was declared coal mining-free in 2023, but he said small-scale mines continue to operate in remote villages.

Tayo said this is evident In Barangay Dugui in Virac, where he lives. His neighborhood suffered from the onslaught of the two typhoons last year.

“The mining village is consistently ravaged by typhoons due to the absence of essential infrastructure like bridges and the profound environmental degradation in the area,” said Tayo. “This has been a long-standing crisis, yet effective solutions remain elusive.”

Dugui’s geographical isolation further compounds the danger. Residents of this remote community in Virac must navigate rivers and streams to reach safety during storms.

Aside from Dugui, the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) has confirmed illegal coal extraction in Barangay Cabuyoan, Panganiban town. However, only local farmers and residents were identified, while the owners, operators, and even the buyers of the illegally mined coal remained unnamed.

The Cua political dynasty has ruled politics in the province since the 1980s.

Joseph “Boboy” C. Cua is the incumbent governor, while his brother Peter “Boste” C. Cua is the vice governor. Boboy is now vying for Virac mayor while Boste seeks to succeed him as governor.

Masbate’s fault lines

Masbate faces constant threat from active offshore faults running through various towns, including Mandaon, Milagros, Aroroy, Balud, San Fernando, and Monreal.

The DENR in 2023 called for the urgency of reviewing the local government’s long-term development plans, citing reclamation and urbanization projects that have put residents closer to the faults.

“Every election, we hear them promise improvements in the safeguards against calamities,” lamented Ma. Rizza Francisco, a resident of Masbate City.

Francisco, who is now based in Albay, is a student leader advocating for political reforms in the region. “Though residents are aware that such promises never materialize, we have no real alternatives because they monopolize power in our province,” she said.

The Kho family, which has established a near-total monopoly of public office, has allowed mining operations in the province.

Patriarch Antonio T. Kho, a former governor and representative, is now seeking the 1st District congressional seat. His son, incumbent Rep. Richard Kho, is running for governor, while his wife, Vice Gov. Elisa “Olga” Kho, is vying for the 2nd District seat.

Their daughter Olga “Ara” T. Kho is a former mayor and second district representative, and their son Wilton “Tonton” T. Kho is a former third district representative. Wilton’s wife Kristine “Tintin” Salve H. Kho is the mayor of Mandaon town.

Masbate residents rely on the Khos to provide social services and relief aid, said Francisco.

“Out of no choice, people go to their offices or go to their house to ask for medical assistance—which these politicians use to promote patronage politics,” she said.

Even disaster warning signals for the populace have allegedly been used for political gain.

The alleged use of text blast machines by some candidates from the Kho clan for their campaign has prompted a show-cause order from the Commission on Elections.

Lagmay warned that this manipulation of emergency alerts not only raises serious concerns about data privacy and the clan’s overreaching power, but also risks eroding public trust.

This erosion could have catastrophic consequences, endangering residents when genuine calamity warnings need to be communicated urgently and effectively.

“We must not exploit the suffering of others,” Lagmay said. “This platform is designed to alleviate suffering and save lives, not for self-interest and political gain.”

The post In Bicol, political clans aiding victims backed projects blamed for flooding appeared first on CoverStory.

Out of 35 unique altered claims identified by partners of the fact-checking coalition Tsek.ph during the Feb. 11–May 10 campaign period for national positions, 11, or nearly a third, likely involved deepfake technology to impersonate public figures or distort reality.

Political manipulation

A key concern is how high-profile public figures are being exploited to influence Monday’s elections and change public perception around the arrest of former president Rodrigo Duterte, as well as promote financial scams or questionable products. Many of the 11 likely deepfakes identified by Tsek.ph relied on the likeness or voice of prominent personalities. 

Politically motivated deepfakes include a manipulated video of First Lady Liza Araneta-Marcos in a Duterte campaign, an AI-generated endorsement for detained religious leader and Duterte-backed senatorial candidate Apollo Quiboloy, a fabricated feud between tech mogul Elon Musk and President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., and a fake speech in Mandarin by Vice President Sara Duterte.

Among the most recent and attention-grabbing was the deepfake video of the first lady dancing, superimposed onto a political campaign video to falsely imply she was endorsing Duterte’s senatorial slate. The video was created from an image she posted on Facebook while showing off a Marikina bag on a street in Rome where she and her husband had attended Pope Francis’ funeral.

An AI-generated Caucasian-looking avatar, created using Pippit software, was employed in a Facebook video to endorse Quiboloy’s candidacy, combining a digitally fabricated persona with false religious claims.

The deepfake featuring President Marcos Jr. and Musk used manipulated audio and video to construct a false narrative of conflict over a purported cryptocurrency platform, aiming to discredit the current administration.

These deepfakes tap into political divisions, invent foreign support, and exploit celebrity appeal to manipulate voter sentiment. By targeting both allies and rivals of important political figures, these fabrications aim to confuse voters and influence election outcomes.

Red-tagging, ICC narratives, scams

Deepfake technology has also been used to falsely link progressive candidates from the Makabayan Bloc and their allied party-list groups to communist rebels. One video falsely labeled dancing party-list nominees as New People’s Army recruiters. Another showed Rep. France Castro and lawyer Renee Co among supposed insurgents, both bearing arms. This tactic aims to create fear and prejudice among voters, which could reduce their support for these candidates.

Other deepfakes leveraged the arrest and detention of Duterte, who faces trial before the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague for crimes against humanity arising from his war on drugs. An audio-manipulated speech in Mandarin was attributed to his daughter Sara and a fabricated video statement to NBA superstar LeBron James. These AI-generated clips aim to sway sentiment around Duterte’s legal troubles. Duterte is running for mayor in Davao City.

The Commission on Elections has acknowledged the threat of generative AI and harmful content, and released Resolutions 11116 and 11064 to safeguard the integrity of Monday’s elections. Resolution 11064 regulates online campaign materials, mandates disclosure of AI use, and aims to curb disinformation. Resolution 11116 prohibits discriminatory campaign practices like Red-tagging, which deepfakes can amplify.

Deepfakes have also been exploited to promote financial scams and products, leveraging trusted images and voices like ABS-CBN’s Noli de Castro, GMA Network’s Vicky Morales, President Marcos Jr., health advocate Willie Ong, and business tycoons such as Musk and Ramon Ang.

These fakes do more than push scams. They erode public trust, particularly in the media. When news personalities appear in deepfakes, it can make viewers question whether any mainstream news is real, a tactic seemingly designed to undermine journalism, especially during elections.

Our analysis of deepfakes showed a heavy reliance on audiovisual manipulation. Ten of the 11 deepfakes included manipulated audio and 9 tampered with video. This combination—synthetic voice overlays paired with AI-manipulated or wholly generated footage—makes the content more believable and emotionally persuasive. Techniques like face-swapping in videos and generating avatars further enhance the realism of deepfakes. 

Shallowfakes leading the pack

Despite the rise in deepfake usage in the midterm elections, a significant portion of the altered media identified by Tsek.ph continues to be dominated by lower-tech manipulations or shallowfakes. Of the 35 fact checks, 24 involved easier-to-produce formats: altered video clips, doctored images and fabricated social media posts.

Fourteen directly targeted campaigns, including doctored images of candidates endorsing rivals and fabricated videos misrepresenting endorsements and campaign messages. The manipulation extended to altering screenshots of social media posts and repurposing video clips to attack opponents vying for office.

A recent shallowfake repurposed celebrity Vice Ganda’s real endorsement of senatorial candidate Benhur Abalos into multiple videos showing the noontime show host backing 12 senatorial candidates other than Abalos, plus a few non-senatorial candidates. Earlier, an edited image falsely showed Pasig City Mayor Vico Sotto endorsing opponent Sarah Discaya.

The impeachment of Vice President Sara Duterte became another shallowfake hotspot, with eight instances recorded. These manipulations sought to discredit the impeachment process or rally support behind her. Edited videos distorted narratives surrounding the impeachment, tampered images suggested false endorsements or opposition to the proceedings, and fabricated audio clips misrepresented public sentiment on the issue.

Following Duterte’s highly publicized arrest on March 11, three shallowfakes emerged attempting to reshape his legacy and legal challenges. These manipulations discredited testimonies from drug war victims, attacked his political adversaries, and attempted to sway public discourse around his detention. 

Another three shallowfakes exploited the increasing strain between the Marcos and Duterte dynasties. Altered images and video clips dramatizing the rift between the two families were circulated within an already polarized electorate.

Four additional shallowfakes targeted news organizations. These involved altered news reports, fabricated social media posts mimicking the style and branding of legitimate news outlets, and selectively edited video clips portraying news coverage as biased or inaccurate. 

Shallowfakes detected during the campaign period exploited low-barrier techniques. A common method involved misleading voice-overs or other audio layered on real footage. Selective cutting and splicing of footage were frequently used to misrepresent events or statements. Heavily edited screenshots and altered images also spread easily on social media. 

The ease and speed with which these shallowfakes are created and shared online make them a potent and rapidly spreading form of electoral disinformation.

But while shallowfakes remain the dominant form of electoral disinformation, the emergence of AI-driven deepfakes shows they are no longer a distant threat, but a present reality, offering new tools for political manipulation, identity theft and reputational attacks.

Pipo Gonzales is a journalism lecturer at the University of the Philippines Diliman and a member of the Tsek.ph secretariat. Yvonne T. Chua is an associate professor at the same university and serves as Tsek.ph coordinator.

The post AI fakery rises, but cheapfakes still rule the race appeared first on CoverStory.

Screenshots of the documents accompanied a report that first surfaced in mid-April in Taiwan, claiming that Imelda Marcos, the widow of ousted president Ferdinand Marcos Sr., sold the gold in Europe and the United States and funneled the proceeds through 18 bank accounts, reportedly worth over $100 billion, with the help of a Hong Kong-based bank.

The report also claims that the Hong Kong Monetary Authority (HKMA) is investigating the scheme, allegedly based on documents submitted to its anti-money laundering division by a Taiwanese businessman identified only by the surname Peng.

The story has gone viral on Chinese online platforms and has been amplified in the Philippines by supporters of detained former president Rodrigo Duterte, including vlogger Claire Eden Contreras (aka Maharlika) and lawyer Harry Roque. Both have used the allegations to attack President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and revive rumors about his alleged drug use.

No comment on allegations

The HKMA has not issued a public statement on the allegations. In response to this writer’s query, it said it does not comment on individual cases.

“In line with international standards, banks in Hong Kong are required to implement effective anti-money laundering and counter-financing of terrorism systems, taking into account their risk appetites and business operations,” the HKMA said. “Where banks identify any suspicious transactions, they are required to report to law enforcement agencies as soon as practicable for investigation and follow-up.”

The HKMA added: “It is worth noting that the investigation of crimes, as well as the tracing, restricting and confiscation of funds or property concerned, is carried out by law enforcement agencies in accordance with relevant laws and regulations in Hong Kong (e.g., the Organized and Serious Crimes Ordinance).”

The report emerged as the Philippines headed into a tense election season marked by deepening fractures between the Marcos and Duterte factions. It was first circulated after the March 11 arrest of Duterte, now detained in The Hague and awaiting trial before the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity tied to his brutal “war on drugs.”

Chinese commentaries have framed the situation as a “Jedi counterattack,” a veiled reference to Duterte’s resilience. Some have speculated without proof that Duterte laid the groundwork for the revelations during a visit to Hong Kong just before his arrest at the Ninoy Aquino International Airport.

The report has also been linked to rising tensions between the Philippines and China over the West Philippine Sea. Its timing coincided with the annual Balikatan joint military exercises between the Philippines and the United States, which Beijing has criticized.

According to the viral story, Peng claimed that between 2006 and 2011, Imelda Marcos authorized a housekeeper—identified in the documents as Antonia RV Indita, also known as Shirley Cua Lee Yang—to use shell companies to sell the 350 tons of gold and route the proceeds through HSBC in Hong Kong. The destination of the funds remains unclear. Peng reportedly said he was one of a dozen intermediaries from the United States, Australia, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and the Philippines who helped facilitate the transactions. He also alleged that the Marcos family had held vast quantities of gold since the 1990s.

The 350 tons of gold cited in the report far exceed the Philippines’ official reserves. As of December 2024, the Philippines recorded 130.89 tons, valued by the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas at $12.05 billion in February. 

Nonexistent banks 

Many of the financial institutions listed in the partial bank roster supposedly submitted by Peng to the HKMA appear to be fictitious.

Among the most glaring is a supposed “Philippine Bank of Munich” located on Chez Mouia Street in Munich, Switzerland. No such street exists, and no city or canton in Switzerland is called Munich. Munich is a city in Germany. Ruben Carranza, former commissioner of the Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG) who led efforts that recovered $680 million in Marcos assets hidden in Switzerland, the United States, and other countries, said no such bank exists in Germany either.

“It would be such an incredible thing for any Filipino to have a bank in Europe…given the reserve requirements in the European banking system,” Carranza said.

The alleged document also lists institutions such as the “Ireland Swiss and Cork Bank” and “International Hungary Bank,” neither of which appears in official registries of licensed financial institutions. Other details raise additional suspicion. “Fern Ville,” a supposed street in Cork, Ireland—the supposed location of the Ireland Swiss and Cork Bank—is not a street but the name of a two-story home built in Cork, Ireland’s second largest city, in the 1800s, as confirmed by search engine results and online mapping tools.

A search for “Rimpau Ave” in “Forthworth, Hungary,” the claimed address of the International Hungary Bank, leads nowhere. There is no city named Forthworth in Hungary. Account numbers appearing in the alleged document also do not conform to the standard structure of the banking systems in the countries that were listed.

There are no records of banks named “Japan and Swiss Banking Corporation” or “Narita Saving and Trust” operating in Japan. “Natomishi-Nagasaki,” the listed location of the Japan Swiss and Banking Corporation, does not correspond to any known city, town or district in Japan. 

The same bank names appear in another unrelated document: a purported deed of assignment dated Sept. 6, 1985, allegedly executed by then president Ferdinand Marcos Sr. and Fr. Jose Antonio M. Diaz. It claims the pair assigned their rights over $500 billion in cash and gold deposits in 15 Japanese banks to a Rev. Dr. Floro E. Garcia. That document also contains numerous red flags: fabricated bank names and misspelled details. The accounts are supposedly under the name of Diaz or one of his nine alleged aliases.

Supporters of the late dictator have long tried to rationalize the Marcos family’s unexplained wealth, claiming that the so-called Tallano royal family paid Marcos and Diaz 400,000 tons of gold for legal services—a myth that has been repeatedly debunked by historians. Imelda Marcos has also attributed her husband’s fortune to gold he allegedly found after World War II, often linked to the mythical Yamashita treasure.

During the campaign for the 2022 presidential election, then candidate Ferdinand Marcos Jr. denied the existence of these treasures, saying he had seen neither.

‘Sloppy’ and ‘suspicious’

Carranza described the alleged documents cited by the latest report on the purported transactions involving the Marcos family’s alleged 350 tons of gold as “sloppy” and “suspicious on many levels.”

The listings name Ferdinand E. Marcos as the direct account holder—a move Carranza said contradicts how the family historically concealed wealth.

“Why would Ferdinand Marcos open a bank account in his name? In all the Swiss bank accounts that we’ve uncovered and some of which we recovered, you’ll never see Ferdinand Marcos as the account owner,” Carranza said.

Instead, he said, the Marcoses used layered institutions and trusted agents to obscure ownership and complicate asset recovery efforts. One screenshot in the viral report shows a letterhead with the signature of “Imelda R. Marcos” authorizing a house help to transact on her behalf. Another document contains grammatical errors and inconsistent formatting.

“No one would take you seriously,” said Carranza, pointing out that the Marcoses typically hired experienced bankers and lawyers—including the Swiss banker Bruno de Preux—to manage their finances discreetly. He said financial criminals, including scammers, rarely broadcast their schemes.

“If this person wanted money from the Marcoses, he would’ve approached them directly and said something like, ‘I’m going to blackmail you,’” Carranza said. “But this report was circulated publicly, almost like a press release…It’s suspicious on many levels.”

Carranza also said that while Hong Kong was used in the past by the Marcoses for illicit financial activity, those operations were deeply covert and routed through professional intermediaries, not anonymous online uploads. “This story is different because it doesn’t fit that pattern,” he said.

He cited a historical example from PCGG documents: kickbacks Ferdinand Marcos Sr. received from Japan’s war reparations. A year after becoming president in 1965, Marcos was said to have begun channeling the reparations program toward the public sector, manipulating it to extract 15% “rebates” or kickbacks and earning him the moniker “Mr. 15 Percent.”

According to Carranza, the operation was facilitated by retired Brig. Gen. Eulogio Balao, then chair of the war reparations committee, who routed the funds through Hong Kong before transferring them to Marcos’ Swiss accounts.

An affidavit submitted to the PCGG by Balao’s successor, former public works minister Baltazar Aquino, said the scheme generated at least $47.7 million in kickbacks between 1966 and 1971. Even while court cases were pending, Imelda Marcos traveled to Hong Kong or Shanghai under the guise of seeking traditional medicine but would meet her American lawyers, including James Linn, Carranza said.

Following the story trail

The viral claim about the Marcos family’s alleged sale and laundering of 350 tons of gold first appeared on Chinese-language websites in Taiwan. One of the earliest outlets to carry the story was Meihua Media, a site viewed by some as pro-China due to its owner’s and editors’ stance on reunification.

Published on April 17, Meihua Media’s report spread across not only Taiwan but also overseas Chinese communities through websites, some of them registered in China. For example, Taiguo.com (Thailand Network), which pushed the narrative to a Thai audience, lists Shanxi province as its registrant location, while Huaren Zhan lists Shandong.

The narrative also reached Chinese-speaking communities in the Philippines or those following developments there via Fei Hua Ba (Philippine Chinese) on Weixin and through sites like Phhua.com and Bole.ph. Asia Television News (ATV), a company registered in Kuala Lumpur with a website hosted in Hong Kong, republished the story on April 28. ATV’s report was heavily cited by Chinese-language social media accounts, helping the claim gain momentum in China.

By April 29 and 30, the story had been adapted into text and video content and shared across hundreds of accounts on major platforms: news aggregators and portal iFeng, Sohu, NetEase, Toutiao and Baidu Bajiahao; video platforms iQIYI, Haokan Video and Bilibili; social media platforms WeChat, Weibo and Douyin; and messaging platform QQ.

A short video version of the story began circulating on Philippine Facebook pages after Russia Today posted it on Weibo, drawing more than 230,000 plays. China VTV of Hong Kong later reposted it on Facebook. Among the pro-Duterte pages and groups that amplified the video were Gringo ICC Petition, Du34s, Duterte Seafarer’s Club and PRRD–The Greatest, one of whose page administrators is listed as based in China. China Youth Daily, the official newspaper of the Communist Youth League of China, posted the video on TikTok on April 30, helping it reach audiences outside China. TikTok does not operate in China.

On X (formerly Twitter), English-language versions appeared through accounts like ShanghaiEye, affiliated with the state-owned Shanghai Media Group, and a newly created pro-Duterte account named Taylor Cayetano. These posts helped spread the claim beyond Chinese-language circles.

Several English-language Facebook accounts echoed the narrative using content posted by Asia Today, a self-described news page linking to a questionable website.

The story gained further traction in the Philippines on Labor Day when former Duterte spokesman Roque and vlogger Contreras repeated the allegations in video posts. These were picked up by Bombo Radyo, Politiko and Abogado. Contreras posted a follow-up video on May 2.

On Philippine social media, reactions were sharply divided. Some mocked the Marcos family, others expressed outrage at the story’s lack of media coverage, and a few treated it as part of a supposed Duterte counterattack.

Persisting gold myth 

Carranza said the reemergence of the Marcos gold narrative serves to manufacture legitimacy and obscure historical accountability. He said that despite rulings by Philippine and foreign courts declaring the family’s wealth illegal, the Marcoses have continued pushing the idea that their unexplained riches stem from gold and not corruption.

The former PCGG commissioner lamented that many Filipinos continue to fall for the myth, with scammers exploiting it to solicit payments from those hoping to claim a “share” of the Marcos gold.

“But you see Bongbong Marcos laugh it off on TV, saying, ‘I don’t know about that.’ If you didn’t and they’re using your name, shouldn’t you ask them to be investigated?” Carranza said, referring to the President by his nickname. “This is syndicated estafa.”

He said the Marcoses are avoiding an inquiry that would open up a deeper discussion into their alleged crimes.

Carranza also said that while the Marcoses and Dutertes have been attacking one another over a range of issues, they have avoided exposing transactions and specific acts of corruption that would implicate not only themselves but also their allies and cronies whose support they need, especially in the 2028 presidential election.

On why the myth of the Marcos gold persists, Carranza recalled a theory once shared by the late former PCGG chair Haydee Yorac. “She would always say that the Marcoses wanted to exaggerate and even just create these myths about having gold. That was just the way for them to cover up their stealing,” he said, adding:

“So, for [anyone] to take that seriously would precisely fall into the trap laid by the Marcoses.”

Yvonne T. Chua is an associate professor of journalism at the University of the Philippines Diliman and the project coordinator of Tsek.ph.

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