After losing the presidential elections in 2022, world boxing icon Emmanuel “Manny” Pacquiao wants a Senate comeback next year. His wife Jinkee and his brother Alberto or “Bobby” are joining the party-list race. 

Jinkee is the second nominee of a new party-list group, Maharlikang Pilipino sa Bagong Lipunan. Bobby is No. 2 nominee of 1-PACMAN, which currently has one seat in the House.

As Sen. Grace Poe is completing her second term next year, her son, Brian Poe Llamanzares, tries his hand at politics as the first nominee of FPJ Panday Bayanihan party-list group. FPJ are the initials of his grandfather, the late movie king Fernando Poe Jr., who lost the presidential vote in 2004 amid allegations of electoral fraud.

FPJ’s other nominees include Mark Patron, who belongs to a political family in Batangas, and Hiyas Dolor, wife of Oriental Mindoro Gov. Humerlito “Bonz” Dolor. 

New and old political dynasties have swarmed again the party-list elections.

Research by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) shows that 36 of the 54 (66%) party-list groups in the current 19th Congress have at least one nominee belonging to a political family.

All of these groups, except for two, are running again for seats next year. AAMBIS-OWA Rep. Lex Anthony Collada is now a nominee of a new group, Ang Kasanga. Ang Marino did not field nominees. 

In the May 2025 elections, at least 78 out of the 156 party-list organizations certified by the Commission on Elections (Comelec) belong to political families.

Apart from Jinkee Pacquiao’s Maharlikang Pilipino sa Bagong Lipunan and Llamanzares’s FPJ Panday Bayanihan, new groups linked to senators include the Balikatan of Filipino Families or BFF. Its top nominee is Ma. Presentacion “Precy” Vitug-Ejercito, wife of Sen. Jinggoy Estrada. 

From Makabayan to Tulfos 

The party-list elections promote proportional representation of national, regional, and sectoral parties in the House. Under Republic Act No. 7941 or the Party List System Act, party-list representatives are to constitute 20% of the total House members. 

Groups usually need more or less 300,000 votes nationwide to safely secure at least one seat. 

In the beginning, progressive groups dominated seats in the House  based on an initial Supreme Court interpretation that party-list groups need to represent marginalized groups. 

“It began with the traditional groups, marginalized or underrepresented but what we’ve seen through the years [is that] it has been dominated by political families,” said Rona Ann Caritos, executive director of Legal Networks for Truthful Elections (Lente). 

At the height of its electoral success, the Makabayan progressive bloc had up to eight seats in the House. Bayan Muna topped the 2001 and 2004 party-list elections, getting the maximum of three seats. Anakpawis, Gabriela, Kabataan, and ACT Teachers had one or two seats each. 

In 2013, the Supreme Court reversed itself and ruled that party-list groups “do not need to organize along sectoral lines and do not need to represent any marginalized and underrepresented sector.” It cited the intent of RA No. 7941 to make the party-list race a system of proportional representation open to various groups and parties. 

Political families gradually packed the party-list elections. 

In recent years, the former Duterte administration’s campaign to disqualify progressive groups from participating in elections also hurt Makabayan’s electoral chances. The bloc was reduced to three seats after the 2022 elections. Gabriela, Act Teachers, and Kabataan have one seat each. Bayan Muna failed to get one seat. 

The Anti-Crime and Terrorism Community Involvement and Support or ACT-CIS of the Tulfo political clan dominated the 2022 elections with over 2 million votes. It was the only group to secure the maximum three seats.

ACT-CIS is represented by popular broadcaster and former Social Welfare Secretary Erwin Tulfo; Jocelyn Tulfo, wife of Sen. Raffy Tulfo; and Edvic Yap, brother of Benguet Rep. Eric Yap and Quezon City 4th District Councilor Egay Yap. In next year’s elections, Yap, Jocelyn Tulfo, and Jeffrey Soriano are the top nominees of ACT-CIS. 

Two other Tulfos are running next year under a new group, Turismo Isulong Mo, with former tourism secretary Wanda Tulfo-Teo and her son Robert Wren Tulfo-Teo as nominees. 

Quezon City Rep. Ralph Tulfo Jr., son of Raffy and Jocelyn, will seek reelection. Erwin and another brother, Ben, are running for senator. 

If they all win, there will be three Tulfos in the Senate and four Tulfos in the House.  

Regional groups  

Political analysts note the proliferation of regional party-list groups that are led by politicians or members of political dynasties.

Tingog (Waray word for “voice’) of Western Visayas won two seats in the House in 2022. It is represented by Rep. Yedda Marie Romualdez, wife of Speaker Martin Romualdez. Jude Acidre is the group’s other representative.  

Next year, Tingog’s top nominee is Andrew Julian Romualdez, son of the Speaker, while Yedda is the sixth nominee. The Speaker himself is a reelectionist. 

Also from the Visayas, Abag-Promdi is represented by Mariano Mimo Osmeña, son of the late Cebu Gov. Lito Osmeña. The group advocates for the devolution of more authority and autonomy to local government.  

Barkadahan Para Sa Bansa is fielding a member of the Durano political clan, also of Cebu province. Danao City Mayor Thomas Durano is the nephew of former Danao Mayor Ramon Durano Jr. 

There are many regional groups from northern Luzon. Ako Ilocano Ako is represented by Rep. Richelle Singson, daughter of former Ilocos Sur governor and senatorial candidate Luis “Chavit” Singson, who leads one of the country’s biggest political dynasties. 

Abono is represented by Rep. Robert Estrella, brother of former agrarian reform secretary Conrado Estrella III. He remains the group’s  first nominee in next year’s elections. He is the son of former Pangasinan Rep. Conrad Estrella Jr. and grandson of former Pangasinan Gov. Conrado Estrella Sr. 

Abante Pangasinan Ilokano (API) will field former Pangasinan Gov. Amado Espino Jr. and his brother former Bautista town mayor Amadeo T. Espino as nominees. 

From Mindanao, Kusug Tausug was represented for three terms or a total of nine years by Rep. Shernee Tan, youngest daughter of Sulu Gov. Abdusakur Tan. Next year, she will try to swap positions with Maimbung town vice mayor Aiman Tan, the group’s top nominee.

Crowded elections

Electoral reform advocates have pushed for an antidynasty prohibition in the party-list elections. Caritos said this will “temper the greed or the appetite of our political families, our traditional politicians to enter the party-list system.” 

There’s also a need for institutional reforms and for political parties to mature, said former Comelec commissioner Luie Guia. “The role of political parties is to aggregate agendas for politics. However, there is no incentive mechanism in our political culture to establish that kind of institution to strengthen our political parties,” Guia said. 

Outside of political dynasties, the party-list elections attract nominees from many spectrums.  

1-Rider, which has no link to politicians, placed second in the 2022 elections with over 1 million votes and gained two seats. It is represented by Bonifacio Bosita, a retired policeman-turned-social-media content creator, who advocates for road safety. He has over 1 million followers on social media. 

After three years in the House, Bosita will seek a Senate seat next year. Rep. Ramon Gutierrez, the group’s other representative, is now the group’s top nominee. 

The son of the late Sen. Juan Flavier, Jonathan Flavier, is the top nominee of Health Alliance PH. Former health undersecretary Enrique “Eric” Tayag is the second nominee. 

The son of convicted pork barrel scam mastermind Janet Lim Napoles is also running for a party-list seat. James Christopher Napoles is the first nominee of Kaunlad Pinoy, which claims to represent small business owners and informal enterprises. 

Critics of progressive groups in the House are joining the party-list race, too.  

The Mindanao Indigenous Peoples Conference for Peace and Development has listed Marlon Bosantog, Lorraine Marie Badoy-Partosa and Jeffrey Celiz as its top three nominees. Bosantog and Badoy-Partosa are former spokespersons of the government’s anti-insurgency body, National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Council (NTF-ELCAC). Celiz is a confessed former rebel who had led attacks against the Makabayan bloc in the House.

Pushback 

It’s a crowded election. 

Next year, the Liberal Party, one of the country’s oldest political parties, is fielding candidates for the first time. Mamamayang Liberal is fielding former Sen. Leila De Lima, former Ifugao Rep. Teddy Baguilat and Quezon Rep. Erin Tañada as nominees. 

The group’s agenda? To amend Republic Act No. 7941 to limit again the party-list elections to marginalized sectors. 

It shows growing pragmatism among reformist politicians, according to political observers. 

Human rights lawyer Jose Manuel “Chel” Diokno has given up plans for a senatorial bid and is instead running as the top nominee of Akbayan, a progressive group that also suffered from government attacks in recent years.  

“Even Aksyon Demokratiko [political party] has Aksyon Dapat with former Secretary and Representative Hernani Braganza as No. 1 candidate. You have Mamamayang Liberal and then you have other parties that are within the progressive reformist sphere,” said Julio Teehankee, a political analyst and political science and international studies professor of De La Salle University. 

It’s a tactical move and a welcome pushback, he said. “In the same way that the celebrities [and] dynasties have appropriated the party list, the more reformist and progressive blocs are now reclaiming the party-list elections.” —With research from Guinevere Latoza

Read more: Proposals to delay BARMM polls also seek to change makeup of interim gov’t

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For political clans that dominate local politics, the tactics to keep the capitol, the seat of power for local political kingpins, are almost the same nationwide.

Sitting governors seek reelection and max out the allowable three terms for a total of nine years. If they are not seeking reelection, they are swapping positions with their relatives or are running for higher or lower positions.

In Sulu, Gov. Abdusakur Tan has been moving in and out of the provincial chief executive’s office since 1996. Yusop Jikiri and Benjamin Tupay Loong each served one term from 2001 to 2007, after which Tan returned and has maintained his control of the capitol ever since.

Tan’s son and namesake Abdusakur II served two terms as governor from 2013 to 2019, while he held the position of vice governor for one term. In 2016 he ran for governor of the now-defunct Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao but lost to former Gov. Mujiv Hataman of Basilan.

In 2019 he returned to the Sulu capitol as governor. In next year’s elections, after serving two terms, the younger Tan will again run for governor, while his father will aim for the vice governorship.

Family ‘rigodon’

Spouses, father and child, mother and child, siblings, and cousins regularly swap posts.

Former Elections Commissioner Luie Guia offered an explanation: politicians understand that it can be difficult to return to power once they lose it to other politicians or political clans. Clans, he said,  will hold on to these positions for as long as they can.

“The next in line is the child or the spouse, even if they’re just placeholders. Because you don’t want to lose that kind of power, you pass it on to your family. And if the brother, sister, or nephew enjoys the position, you’ll find them another post as well,” Guia said.

In Pampanga, mother and son will seek to switch posts. Vice Gov. Lilia Pineda wants to reclaim the post of governor while her son, Gov. Dennis G. Pineda, runs for vice governor.

In Marinduque, father and son are bidding to switch seats. Gov. Presbitero J. Velasco is running for the lone congressional seat currently held by his son Lord Allan Velasco. The son is running for governor.

Masbate Gov. Antonio Tero Kho is running for representative of the first district, a position held by his son, Richard Kho, who is now eyeing his father’s current post.

In Laguna, a husband and wife will attempt to swap positions in government. Gov. Ramil Hernandez will run for the second district seat while his wife, Rep. Ruth Mariano-Hernandez, aims for the gubernatorial position. 

In Guimaras, Gov. JC Rahman Nava and his wife, Rep.  Maria Lucille Nava, are also seeking to switch seats.

Cousins Gov. Edwin Marino Ongchuan and Rep. Harris Christopher Ongchuan (second district) in Northern Samar; Gov. Rosalina G. Jalosjos and her nephew, Dapitan Mayor Seth Frederick Jalosjos in Zamboanga del Norte; and brothers Rep. Johnny T. Pimentel and Gov. Alexander Pimentel in Surigao del Sur are planning similar swaps.

Who defeats political dynasties

When the dynasties grow too big, relatives start fighting each other for political positions. 

In La Union, where the Ortegas have ruled for over a century, reelectionist Gov. Raphaelle Veronica Ortega-David will be challenged by her grandfather, Vice Gov. Mario Ortega.

Infighting among dynasty members is not new, Teehankee said, citing the cases of the Binays of Makati City, Cayetanos of Taguig City, and Duranos of Cebu, among others.

When the clan has no opponent, members turn against each other, he said.

Some clans rule longer than others. Often, it is a political dynasty that dislodges another political dynasty.

In Bukidnon, the political clan of former Senate President Juan Miguel Zubiri lost the capitol in 2022 after a decade of rule in the province.

The son and namesake of the family matriarch, former Rep. Manuel Zubiri, lost to Gov. Oneil Roque by a margin of less than 5,000 votes. Roque won with 365,999 votes compared to Zubiri’s 361,426. 

Roque’s wife Laarni also won the House seat vacated by Zubiri.

Senator Zubiri is completing his second term next year. He is not seeking another position.

Sometimes, political events and shifts in voter preferences can elevate leaders outside of political families to highly competitive positions.

In Maguindanao del Norte, Gov. Abdulraof Macacua was appointed in 2023 to lead the newly created province. He is the chief of the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces, the armed unit of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front which now governs the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM).

Macacua will not run for governor next year but for a district seat in the BARMM parliament amid efforts to postpone the parliamentary elections next year.

The entrenched Mangudadatu and Mastura political dynasties are set to battle for control of the new province in the upcoming elections.

In Nueva Vizcaya, the death of Gov. Carlos Padilla in 2023 catapulted Vice Gov. Jose “Jing” Gambito to the top post in the capitol. Gambito will seek his first term next year.

There are instances where leaders without ties to political dynasties have successfully prevailed over entrenched clans.

In Batangas, Gov. Hermilando Mandanas defeated the Mendoza and Leviste clans in 2016. Similarly, in Davao del Norte, Gov. Edwin Jubahib ended the Del Rosario family’s long dominance in the province in 2019.

Celebrity power

Who else can defeat political dynasties? On a few occasions, popular celebrities have managed to unseat them. 

Bulacan Gov. Daniel Fernando was a critically acclaimed actor, famous for a range of movies, such as the 1985 controversial erotic thriller Scorpio Nights, directed by Peque Gallaga.

His political and entertainment careers intertwined. He was elected vice governor of the province in 2010, but he did not disappear from TV screens. He took on small and big roles in shows like Col. Billy Bibit, RAM in 1994, Ang Pagbabalik Ng Probinsyano in 1998, Totoy Bato in 2009, and My Life Is Murder in 2019.

After serving three terms as vice governor, he was elected governor in 2019, succeeding his then ally Gov. Wilhelmino Sy-Alvarado.

Fernando is not exactly seen as a “dynasty buster.” But when Sy-Alvarado ran to regain the capitol in 2022, Fernando defeated him by a wide margin. He is seeking his third term next year.

Lito Lapid defeated former Pampanga Gov. Bren Guiao in 1995. Vilma Santos defeated former Batangas Gov. Armand Sanchez in 2007. E.R. Ejercito defeated former Laguna Gov. Teresita “Ningning” Lazaro in 2010.

Eyes are again on movie and TV star Vilma Santos, who is aiming to return to the Batangas capitol next year. She became the province’s first female governor in 2007 after making a name for herself as a promising politician when she served three terms as Lipa City mayor from 1998 to 2007. 

In 2016 she ran to represent the then newly created sixth district and won. After two terms, she took a hiatus from politics to give way to her husband Ralph Recto’s run for her congressional seat.

The sudden move of Santos’s sons to join politics next year disappointed even her former supporters, however. Her son, actor and TV host Luis Manzano, is running to be her vice governor, while another son, Ryan Recto, wants her old House seat.

“For the longest time, [Vilma] was one of the celebrity politicians who excelled and managed Lipa well as mayor; she also performed well as a congresswoman. And some even see her as one of the rare few celebrity politicians with a more reformist orientation,” said Teehankee.

“E bakit naman biglang buong pamilya talaga? Lahat-lahat? (Why the sudden move to involve the whole family)?” Teehankee said.

Santos is not the first celebrity to be elected and establish her own political dynasty. Former President Joseph Ejercito Estrada, the late Sen. Ramon Revilla Sr., and Lapid have done so before her.

Fernando remains a rare exception so far.

Read more: Meet the ‘obese’ political dynasties of the Philippines

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Political dynasties continue to hold a tight grip on provinces in the Philippines. 

By the count of the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ), at least 71 of the country’s 82 provincial governments, or 87%, are led by members of political dynasties. 

This dominance underscores a system where power is frequently passed down within families, raising concerns about its impact on democratic representation and political diversity.

Eighteen of these political dynasties are considered “obese” with at least five family members seeking different electoral positions next year.

The Marcoses of Ilocos Norte, Singsons of Ilocos Sur, Ortegas of La Union, Ynareses of Rizal, Tolentinos of Cavite, Umalis of Nueva Ecija, Pinedas of Pampanga, Garcias of Bataan, and Khos of Masbate have ruled over these Luzon provinces for decades. 

In Mindanao, many political dynasties control the provinces. These include the Dimaporos of Lanao del Norte, Adiongs of Lanao del Sur, Pacquiaos of Sarangani, Mangudadatus of Maguindanao, Mendozas and Taliños of Cotabato, Jalosjoses of Zambaonga del Norte, Yus of Zamboanga del Sur, Tans of Sulu, and Salimans and Hatamans of Basilan. 

The May 2025 elections are unlikely to bring significant change. Forty-seven of the 71 incumbent governors belonging to political dynasties are seeking reelection. 

Meanwhile, 19 sitting governors who are not reelectionists have family members seeking to replace them.

Incumbency advantage

In many cases among the country’s biggest political dynasties, it is the leaders of the clans who occupy the provincial capitol.

The office of the highest local executive official can also serve as the seat of power for local political kingpins. 

The Marcos family has dominated the province of Ilocos Norte since the 1970s. The clan has exercised an unbroken control of the capitol for the last 26 years or since 1998.

President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. served three terms as governor, from 1998 to 2007, before he was elected district representative in 2007 and senator in 2010.

His cousin Michael Marcos Keon served one term in the capitol (2007-2010), before his sister Sen. Imee Marcos took over in 2010 and served three terms until 2019.

In next year’s elections, the President’s  nephew, Gov. Matthew Marcos Manotoc, will aim to swap seats with his aunt, Vice Gov. Cecilia Araneta-Marcos.

In Cebu in the Visayas, two political clans have controlled the capitol for the last three decades.

Gov. Gwendolyn Garcia is serving her second term and will seek to win a third term next year. She became governor in 2004 when she succeeded her father, Pablo “Pabling” Garcia, who completed three terms (1995 to 2004), and occupied the seat for two more terms until 2013.

She ran and won two terms as representative of Cebu’s third district (2013-2019) before she returned to the capitol. During those years, Hilario Davide II was governor.

Julio Teehankee, a professor of political science, who has studied political dynasties in the Philippines for over two decades, said clans have clearly benefited from incumbency advantage. 

“If you are elected, you have all the resources of the state. You control the budget and you have built-in support because the city hall or capitol staff is under you,” Teehankee told PCIJ.

Power begets power in a patron-client political system, he said. The longer the families hold it, the bigger the power they are able to accumulate.

National politics

Political dynasties grow influence when they aspire for and win national seats. But it is not always guaranteed.

The Escudero clan ruled Sorsogon province as early as the 1940s when Salvador Escudero, grandfather of Senate President Francis Escudero, was governor.

Francis succeeded where his father, the late former Rep. Salvador Escudero III, failed. He won a Senate seat in 2007 when he was 37 and became so popular that he almost ran for president in 2010, but he gave way to a colleague, Benigno Aquino III. 

Escudero ran for vice president in 2016, but he lost to Leni Robredo.

After these political setbacks, he took a break from national politics and served as governor of Sorsogon from 2019 to 2022. He returned to the Senate in 2022 and is now the leader of the legislative chamber.

There are clans who continue to try but are only able to capture as high as the provincial capitol so far.

Luis “Chavit” Singson has been in and out as governor of Ilocos Sur from 1972 until 1986, from 1992 to 2001, from 2004 to 2007, and from 2010 to 2013.  He is considered the political kingmaker in his province, but a national position has eluded him. He tried but failed to win a Senate seat in 2007.  

Despite Singson’s defeat in national elections, his family continued to grow political influence in the province and in the House of Representatives. In 2016, he ran and won as mayor of Narvacan town.

He will try his luck again to win a Senate seat in next year’s elections.  

Thin, fat, obese dynasties

Many political dynasties are not as big as the Marcoses and the Singsons, but they can also monopolize political power for decades.

In Quirino province in northern Luzon, the Cua father and son have been swapping positions to control the capitol for the last 17 years. Dakila Cua was first elected governor in 2007 and served only one term to give way to his father Junie Cua, who occupied the position for nine years until 2019.

Dakila succeeded his father in 2019 and is now on his second term. He will seek a third next year. The other candidate in the family next year is his wife Mindy, who has taken over his former district seat in the House.

In Iloilo where multiple dynasties operate, the Defensors have exercised an unbroken rule of the capitol in the last 14 years or since 2010. Arthur Defensor Sr. served as governor from 1992 to 2001, followed by Niel Tupas Sr. (2001-2010).

Defensor was elected governor again in 2010. The family has not let go of the capitol since.

His son Arthur Jr. succeeded his father in 2019, and is seeking his third term next year. The other family member who is running is reelectionist Rep. Lorenz Defensor.

The PCIJ list also includes what Teehankee described as “dormant” dynasties.

In Zamboanga Sibugay, Gov. Dulce Ann Hofer is the only one running for elected office next year. 

Hofer is a big political name in the province as the governor’s father, George Hofer, is dubbed its founding father. Her brother George II ran for election twice but lost.

“I refer to such cases as dormant dynasties in which one or none is left in active politics, but they can grow fat again in the future,” Teehankee said.

Whether expanding, consolidating, or lying in wait, political dynasties show no signs of relinquishing their hold on power in the Philippines.

Read more: Meet the ‘obese’ political dynasties of the Philippines

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It’s not a simple postponement proposal. The identical bills filed in the Senate and the House of Representatives do not just seek to delay again the schedule of the first regular elections in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM). They also seek to change the composition of the Bangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA) as soon as they are passed into law.

The Commission on Elections (Comelec) asked Congress to decide whether or not it is postponing the BARMM polls before it is scheduled to print ballots in the middle of December. 

Senate Bill 2862 and House Bill 11034 seek to move the BARMM elections from May 12, 2025 to May 11, 2026.

If passed into law, it would be the second postponement from the original schedule under the Bangsamoro Organic Law (BOL), Republic Act No. 11054, which scheduled the elections after a three-year transition period or in May 2022.

If the bills are passed without amendments, the terms of the current BTA members will be “deemed expired” as soon as the proposal becomes a law. The BTA members are supposed to serve until June 30, 2025 or after the May 2025 elections, coinciding with the terms of elected national and local officials. 

The BTA is the interim regional government composed of 80 Malacañang-appointed parliament members who serve as “caretakers” until the region holds its first regular elections. It has executive and legislative powers, with parliament members also serving as ministers of various BARMM offices.

Under the BOL, the transition period shall be led by the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), the former rebel group that negotiated the creation of the autonomous region in a peace process with the government.  It is currently led by Chief Minister Ahod Ebrahim, who is also the MILF chairman. 

The MILF is thus expected to continue to lead the BTA even if the elections are postponed again. However, the individual members of the interim government could change.

In the two occasions that parliament members were appointed—first in 2019 after the BARMM was created, and second in 2022 after the first postponement—at least 41 of the 80 Malacañang appointees were MILF nominees. The rest were Malacañang appointees coming from the Moro National Liberation Front and various sectors including women, indigenous peoples, and settler communities.

The 41-39 distribution secured the MILF’s control of the BTA. However, criticisms have been raised regarding the former rebel group’s lack of inclusiveness in the parliament.

Section 2 not discussed in Senate hearing

The Senate committee on local government began deliberations on the proposal on Thursday, November 7.  Section 2 was not discussed.

The Senate hearing focused on the impacts of the Supreme Court decision excluding Sulu from BARMM. The discussions ranged from the need to redistribute the seven parliament seats previously allocated to Sulu districts to the aspirations for the Supreme Court to favor motions for reconsideration and overturn its decision to return Sulu to the BARMM. 

Sen. Sherwin Gatchalian, who attended the committee hearing, was concerned about the additional cost of separating the BARMM elections from the national and local elections. Asked about Section 2, he told the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism that “that legal aspect should be studied very carefully because postponing the elections will not only deprive our BARMM constituents their right to suffrage but additional expense will be incurred if we move it next year.” 

The need to create provinces and congressional districts for the newly created towns in the Special Geographic Area (SGA) was likewise tackled. The SGA consisted of 63 villages of Cotabato that voted during the plebiscite to join BARMM.

Sen. Aquilino Pimentel III, who is opposed to the postponement of the BARMM elections, said Section 2 is “moot for us.”

“We don’t have that in mind. We don’t need to concern ourselves with Section 2. It is moot and academic for us. We want the elections to push through,” he told the PCIJ.

Logistical concerns

There are logistical concerns that can arise if the law is passed before the end of the year, which appears to be the timeline.

BARMM Cabinet Secretary and spokesperson Asnin Pendatun said they have reached out to the office of Senate President Francis Escudero, who filed the bill deferring the BARMM elections to May 2026. 

“Section 2 is about new appointments as soon as it becomes a law,” said Pendatun. “We could still surmise that the new appointments, assuming that the bill will be passed into law as is, will still be MILF-led. From the Chief Minister to the majority of the composition of the members of the parliament,” he said. 

But there could be a vacuum in the BARMM if appointments are not promptly made.

The appointment process had been characterized by jostling for parliament seats and heated lobbying on both sides to finalize MILF’s 41 nominees and the government’s 39 appointees. This has delayed the appointments in the past.  

Depending on the timeline, installing new appointees could affect the BARMM parliamentary government’s ongoing deliberations on the region’s 2025 budget. 

“We just have to be clear about what will happen during the interregnum,” said Pendatun. “Upon the bill passing into law, the period from that to the issuance of the appointment from Malacañang. Assuming that right on the day of the passage, appointments will shortly come after, then we will not have a problem.”

Section 2 of the Senate bill also raised concerns among BARMM employees, who may lose their jobs if the BTA members employing them are not reappointed. 

Political agenda?

The proposal has strong backers within the government but also faces many vocal critics. The Legal Network for Truthful Elections (Lente) issued a long legal opinion dismissing justifications for the postponement of the BARMM polls. 

“This proposal fails to meet the strict criteria set by the Supreme Court in Macalintal vs. Executive Secretary for election postponement. Regular, periodic elections are fundamental to democracy and should only be postponed under truly exceptional and compelling circumstances,” Lente said in a statement.

Gus Miclat, director of the Initiatives for International Dialogue and long-time observer of the peace process, said there are “mixed reactions” on the ground to the postponement of the BARMM polls.

But he was concerned about Section 2. “If indeed there is going to be a postponement for only one year, there is no need to appoint a new set of officials in the BARMM, but to just have the current ones as holdovers,” he told the PCIJ.

“Think of the learning curve for any new appointees. One year is not enough. Unless there is a political agenda behind this. Then, there’s the rub,” Miclat said.

Section 2 could be “tedious and polarizing,” said Benedicto Bacani, executive director of the Institute for Autonomy and Governance (IAG). He said the government will spend considerable time on the process to appoint new BTA members, with significant lobbying involved.

“How can we expect the BTA to address legal concerns out of the Sulu decision,” he said.

MILF leaders weigh in

The BARMM interim government has issued a statement saying it is leaving the matter of postponing the elections to the “wisdom of Congress.” 

The MILF leaders are individually divided on the postponement proposal, however.

Mohagher Iqbal, a high-ranking MILF leader, told the PCIJ that it would be more advantageous for the former rebel group if elections push through next year.

He was confident the MILF’s political party, the United Bangsamoro Justice Party (UBJP), would win a majority of seats in next year’s parliamentary elections and keep the BARMM leadership.

“When you are elected by the people, you have more legitimacy. But when we are appointed by the President, although he has that appointment power, our authority is less,” he told the PCIJ.

Maguindanao del Norte Gov. Abdulraof Macacua, who was present at the Senate hearing on Nov. 7, said he supported the postponement. He is the chief of the MILF’s Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces.

Either way, Iqbal said that if the BARMM polls are postponed, they can focus on helping their local candidates in the provinces and municipalities. “If most of our candidates win the local elections in the provinces and municipalities, that would give us more chances to win in 2026.”

But Malacañang should take their nominees to the BTA “as is,” he said. “The Bangsamoro Organic law says that the transition is going to be MILF-led so we are going to submit names, including the Chief Minister. It follows that maybe the same people will be reappointed or maybe there are changes,” he said.

“The Chief Minister right now enjoys full support and backing from the rank and file of the MILF. I think there will be minor changes in the list of nominees. As to the final composition, it’s still early to tell,” he said.

If the bills are approved and elections are postponed, what can happen in a year? “Your guess is as bad as my guess,” said Iqbal. 

Bangsamoro stakeholders and observers told PCIJ that the next two weeks will be crucial in shaping the future of BARMM. “We will debate,” said Pimentel.

Read more: Sulu’s exit shakes up Bangsamoro: 5 scenarios for the 2025 polls

The post Proposals to delay BARMM polls also seek to change makeup of interim gov’t appeared first on CoverStory.

Sulu Gov. Abdusakur Tan, who announced his bid to become the BARMM’s chief minister last May, was set to face whoever would emerge as the contender of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF).  

There were speculations then that MILF might not push Chief Minister Ahod “Murad” Ebrahim to serve another term, and that Malacañang was pushing to have another MILF leader to take on the role as chief minister. 

The rebels-turned-politicians who have shaped and controlled the BARMM enjoyed the support of President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., who celebrated the regional government’s accomplishments in his 2024 State of the Nation Address. The MILF formed the political party United Bangsamoro Justice Party (UBJP).

The big political clans rallied behind Tan and formed the BARMM Grand Coalition (BGC). They hoped that Tan’s longstanding loyalty to the Marcoses would persuade the president to refrain from intervening.

On Sept. 9, just a month before the politicians were to file their certificates of candidacy (CoCs), the Supreme Court pulled the rug from under Tan’s feet. Voting unanimously, the justices dismissed petitions to declare the creation of the BARMM unconstitutional but ruled to remove Sulu from the new autonomous setup on the basis that it voted no during the 2019 plebiscite.  

One of the petitions was filed in 2018 by Tan’s own son and namesake, Abdusakur Tan II, long before the elder Tan had aspired to become BARMM chief minister.

Tan, the only person who was seen to have a fighting chance against the MILF, was no longer eligible to run for a regional post. The BGC has not announced plans to field another candidate for chief minister.

Sulu and the autonomous region have yet to see the extent of the impact of the Supreme Court’s decision. Over 5,000 BARMM employees in Sulu are poised to lose their jobs and infrastructure projects could be discontinued if they lose funding from the regional government. 

“Please do not abandon us, as we need your support. After all, the Bangsamoro Organic Law, as reflected in its numerous provisions, envisioned that Sulu, as a core territory, would share in the allocated budget,” Deputy Speaker Nabil Tan said in a privilege speech before his fellow regional parliament members. 

He also asked the Supreme Court to reconsider its decision. 

Beyond these pressing practical concerns, many Bangsamoro residents have bewailed the high court’s decision. 

Sulu is the cradle of the Bangsamoro’s struggle for freedom, the Tausug homeland and the birthplace of the Moro Nationalist Liberation Front (MNLF), the first Muslim separatist rebel group in the Philippines. The province is integral in the region’s rich history.

“The Bangsamoro won’t be complete without Sulu. This is a major blow to our efforts to push for the unity of provinces in the region),” said Basilan Rep. Mujiv Hataman, former governor of the defunct Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) and now one of the BGC’s stalwarts.

On Oct. 1, human rights lawyer Algamar Latiph asked the Supreme Court to reconsider its decision as one of the respondents-in-intervention for the case. The BARMM government has also filed an intervention before the high court.

It took the court five years to decide Tan’s petition. Who knows how long it will take to rule on the new ones and if it would overturn a unanimous decision at all. 

Meanwhile, what happens to the first regular elections in the Bangsamoro next year? 

On the eve of the first day of candidacy filing on Nov. 4, Senate President Francis Escudero told a radio program that he was going to file a bill to postpone the BARMM parliamentary elections again, stating that Malacañang wanted it. A committee hearing was immediately scheduled for Nov. 7.

Here are five scenarios for the 2025 Bangsamoro polls, based on recent developments and interviews with Bangsamoro stakeholders and experts interviewed by the PCIJ. 

Scenario 1: The first regular elections in the BARMM will be postponed again

Until the eleventh hour, it seemed unlikely, given pronouncements from President Marcos Jr. that he wanted the polls to push through. But Bangsamoro experts and stakeholders never dismissed it.

The Commission on Elections had moved the filing of COCs from Oct. 1-8 to Nov. 4-9 or a month later than the rest of the country to allow political parties time to adjust following Sulu’s exclusion from the BARMM. Comelec Chairman George Garcia said the poll body was “hell-bent” on conducting the polls next year. 

The BARMM parliament is supposed to have 80 members based on its charter. Forty should come from party nominees, 32 from parliamentary districts, including seven in Sulu, and eight from sectoral groups. 

In the wake of the Supreme Court’s ruling, BARMM Cabinet Secretary and spokesperson Mohd Asnin Pendatun said it was possible to reassign the seven Sulu district seats, but the process would be long and tedious. 

Comelec said it would proceed with preparations to hold elections for 73 seats in the BARMM parliament.

The candidacy filing opened on November 4 but Escudero’s call to postpone the elections loomed heavily over the event. He is seeking to delay the first regular elections by another year—from May 12, 2025 to May 11, 2026—to allow the autonomous region to “reconfigure its jurisdictions as well as reallocate the seats of its 80-member parliament.”

Escudero’s proposal followed a last-minute Bangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA) Resolution No. 6411, which urged to extend the transition period to May 2028.

“If Malacanang is the one calling for Congress to amend the organic law in order to postpone the elections, it will most probably happen,” said Benedicto Bacani, executive director of the Institute for Autonomy and Governance (IAG).

Sen. Juan Miguel Zubiri warned of a potential “backlash” in case of a postponement. He said it would not sit well among locally elected leaders.

Earlier proposals to reset the elections and extend the elections were generally dismissed.

The League of Bangsamoro Organizations called to extend the BTA’s term for three more years and postpone the parliamentary elections until 2028. It was first postponed in 2022 because of the coronavirus pandemic.

The group argued that the BTA, led by the MILF, needed more time to complete the normalization process. 

The MILF and the national government have yet to fully decommission armed rebels, disband private armed groups, and ramp up transitional justice efforts. Only when normalization is fulfilled can the two parties sign an exit agreement.

“If we’re gonna accept that argument, there won’t be an election in 100 years in the BARMM because, number one, there’s not gonna be any exit agreement without charter change (Cha-cha),” said Bacani. 

Several other issues await the Supreme Court’s resolution.

In June last year, a group of BARMM officials and residents urged the high court to nullify the Bangsamoro Electoral Code for “violating” the 1987 Constitution, the Bangsamoro Organic Law and the Omnibus Election Code.

According to them, the code infringes upon Comelec and the Supreme Court’s mandates and employs “restrictive” qualifications that hamper political parties’ ability to seek parliament seats. The code mandates the political parties to have 10,000 members.

Scenario 2: Elections proceed in May 2025, and MILF wins majority to continue leading BARMM

Only the BARMM has a parliamentary system in the Philippines, and political parties must secure a majority of the seats to control the government. This means that political parties need to win at least 41 of their political party nominees, district candidates, and sectoral nominees to secure the position of chief minister without outside support.

The Supreme Court’s ruling to remove Sulu from the BARMM changed the dynamics of next year’s elections. With Tan out of the way, many believe that MILF’s UBJP has an improved chance of winning a majority of the parliament seats and continue to lead the autonomous region although it is now smaller in land area and population. 

The court has given the MILF a “tactical advantage” and it doesn’t make sense for the group to support calls for postponement, said an NGO worker.  

Malacañang has indicated support for a scenario in which MILF would continue to rule.

An Institute for Policy Analysis and Conflict report showed that “some of President Marcos’ advisers are suggesting that keeping the MILF in power… will help ensure security and stability.” The report was based on interviews with politicians in BARMM.

On June 24, a leaked voice recording surfaced of a known Marcos political supporter, South Cotabato Gov. Reynaldo Tamayo Jr., allegedly threatening local executives in the BARMM to support the UBJP lest they would be investigated by the Commission on Audit. Tamayo is the president of the president’s party, Partido Federal ng Pilipinas.

Scenario 3: Another party secures the majority and UBJP becomes the minority.

All political parties must submit a list of 40 nominees ranked first to last. To get one parliament seat, the political parties need to obtain 4% of total votes.

Other than UBJP, BGC is the only other party capable of winning more than 41 combined seats from its political party, district, and sectoral candidates, according to Rona Caritos of the Legal Network for Truthful Elections (Lente). 

The BGC remains a powerful contender even without Tan, owing to the influence of the other parties and political clans behind it:

• Al-Ittihad-UKB, led by Maguindanao del Sur Gov. Mariam Sangki-Mangudadatu and husband Teng Mangudadatu

• Serbisyong Inklusibo Alyansang Progresibo Party (SIAP), led by Lanao del Sur Gov. Mamintal Adiong Jr.

• Bangsamoro People Party (BPP), led by Basilan Rep. Mujiv Hataman

Bacani believes that many of the elected members from parliamentary districts will still come from BGC because of the clans’ constituencies.

BARMM voters will come from Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao del Norte, Maguindanao del Sur, Basilan (except Isabela City), Tawi-Tawi and the Special Geographic Area, a loose collection of 63 barangays in North Cotabato. 

“If the MILF’s nominees are their current BTA members… majority are Maguindanaon. That’s just one province,” Bacani said.

“Given the control of governors in the local elections and their alliance, that means they will just have to deliver the province to BGC and they get the majority,” he added.

What will become of the peace process if traditional politicians wrest regional power from the MILF?

They promised to implement all signed peace agreements. BGC also said that the coalition will “push for the annual P5 billion SDF (special development fund) to support the transition of combatants and communities.”

Scenario 4: No party secures a majority, a coalition government is formed. 

If neither the UBJP nor the BGC will win a majority of the seats in parliament, the political parties will have to forge coalitions to form the regional government. 

It could happen, depending on developments before the elections. Several parties have a viable chance of winning a few seats. (LIST: BARMM regional parties accredited for the May 2025 parliamentary elections)

All political parties can form different permutations of coalitions to secure the majority.

The following scenarios could further play out:

• The MILF forms a coalition government with smaller parties and keep the leadership of the BARMM

• The BGC forms a coalition government with smaller parties

• The MILF and the BGC form a coalition government

• If they have enough votes to form a majority, smaller parties form a coalition government, and both the MILF and the BGC become the minority

In this scenario, peace advocate Augusto “Gus” Miclat Jr. said parties in the minority can play a bigger role in the parliament, he said.

“(If you don’t secure a majority), struggle to consolidate the forces you have within Parliament and your constituencies outside to ensure that there are checks and balances,” said the director of the Initiatives for International Dialogue.

The political parties that may have lost members after Sulu was removed from the region were instructed to recruit new members and comply with the requirement of having 10,000 members. 

Two factions of the MNLF have registered as regional political parties. The BAPA party of the Muslimin Sema faction was granted accreditation. The Mahardika party of the Nur Misuari faction was denied accreditation, but it filed a motion for reconsideration. It is pending as of this writing.

Scenario 5: Failure of elections is declared in a number of localities, delaying the determination of majority vote.

Election-related violence in the BARMM has continuously risen since 2018, the Council for Climate and Conflict Action Asia (CCAA) reported.

CCAA executive director Francisco Lara Jr. believes that a failure of election in some localities is not far off. “It is a reality,” he said in a press briefing last August.

Most incidents occurred in Lanao del Sur, while most deaths transpired in Maguindanao, the region’s seat of political power.

“The violence in the mainland during the past two election years may be a prelude to the 2025 elections,” the report said. CCAA also predicted that violence will be “fueled by the challenge of former rebel groups against traditional politicians who (aim) to strengthen their political legitimacy in the region.”

In general, violence has been on the rebound since 2021, it further said.

The leading cause is still the shadow economy, which includes illegal drugs and guns. This was followed by identity issues stemming from land disputes, clan feuds and extremist violence.

Lara raised important questions if BARMM elections are derailed: “Who operates in the interim if a failure of election is called? Doesn’t it extend the power and the authority of the incumbent?”

“We are not here to make the BARMM look bad, or OPAPRU (Office of the Presidential Adviser on Peace, Reconciliation and Unity) look bad, or the Comelec look bad. But they have to be abreast of what is happening. And they have to honestly look at the figures of violence,” he added.

For Miclat, the Bangsamoro and national governments will have to join hands to ensure that the polls materialize in the region. But he reminds everyone that the elections only form part of the peace process. 

“(T)he heart and soul of the peace agreement is not the elections but the full implementation of the peace agreement by ensuring … the creation of the transitional justice board … holistic approach to peace and security addressing displacement and providing the social economic packages, compensation to displaced communities in Marawi and the like,” he said.

After all the ballots have been counted and the candidates proclaimed, the work continues, he said.

“The peace process will have to be hand-in-hand with the governance of the government of the day, whoever that is,” Miclat said. —With a report from Carmela Fonbuena

This article was first published on Oct. 2, 2024. It was updated on Nov. 4, 2024 due to recent developments.

The post Sulu’s exit shakes up Bangsamoro: 5 scenarios for the 2025 polls appeared first on CoverStory.

The small Bangsamoro Electoral Office (BEO), located inside the BARMM compound, erupted in a flurry of activities when he arrived. “Tuloy na tuloy ang halalan sa Bangsamoro. No less than the hierarchy of the Commission on Elections, the chairman is present,” he said in a press conference.

The BARMM elections will be historic for being the first regular elections since the new autonomous region was established in 2019 following a successful plebiscite that implemented a peace agreement between the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), the former rebel group leading the transition government.

It will also be the first parliamentary elections in the country.

However, on the eve of the candidacy filing, Senate President Francis Escudero told a radio program that he was going to file a bill to postpone the elections, citing the Supreme Court ruling that removed Sulu from the BARMM. A transcript of his interview circulated on the morning of Nov. 4. 

Sulu was supposed to have seven district seats in the 80-member parliament, but no decision has been made about those seats.  

Escudero also cited the need to create a province and congressional districts for the newly created towns in the Special Geographic Area (SGA)—the 63 former North Cotabato villages that voted to join the BARMM. 

Malacañang wanted the postponement, too, he said. 

Among Bangsamoro stakeholders and observers, many mobile phones buzzed with speculation. The signals were clear, they told the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ). The postponement call followed a meeting between President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and governors in the BARMM. They believe it was a done, albeit last-minute, deal.

But the candidacy filing would continue, Garcia said, until and unless Marcos signs a law postponing the BARMM elections.

Major regional political parties

The anticipation and excitement that built up towards the candidacy filing have all but died down on Nov. 4. The major regional political parties, including the MILF’s United Bangsamoro Justice Party (UBJP), decided to file their MIPs at the end of the week instead.

At 10 a.m., a group of nominees arrived. Representatives of the Marawi-based Moro Ako Party, among them young professionals, came with a thick set of documents. It was the first regional political party to officially participate in next year’s elections. No other political party would file until the fourth day.

“We have lawyers, doctors, engineers, and other professionals,” Najeeb Taib, the party’s first nominee, told reporters. 

Moro Ako’s membership includes student leaders, youth organizations, and women organizations. 

Taib is a cofounder of the Moro Consensus Group, one of the civil society organizations that led a campaign for the compensation of victims of the 2017 Marawi siege. He once served as president of the Supreme Student Government of the Mindanao State University in Marawi.

Moro Ako previously joined the party-list elections but failed to win a seat. It is now bringing its agenda to the BARMM parliament. 

“We have studied Bangsamoro Organic Law and there are a lot of provisions which are not yet utilized until now,” Taib told PCIJ. Personally, he said he wants to push for policies on the proper use of natural resources such as Lake Lanao because of its relevance as the source of electricity in the region.

The BARMM parliament will have 40 seats for regional party representatives on top of 32 seats for district representatives and eight seats for sectoral representatives. 

Taib said they hope to win up to eight seats, equivalent to the allocation of one province in the parliament. 

“Suntok sa buwan (It’s a long shot),” said Johaena Marcom of Marantao in Lanao del Sur, the party’s third nominee. But they have a legislative agenda that they hope the voters in the region can consider. 

Approaching end of transition period

The filing period is supposed to be a signal of the approaching end of the transition period that followed the creation of BARMM in 2019. 

The former MILF rebels who have ruled BARMM for five years will seek the approval of voters in the region through the political party they created, the UBJP.  

The BARMM replaced the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). It gained wider powers and resources as a result of a peace agreement between the government and the MILF, which agreed to drop its secession bid in exchange for a political settlement.

After leading the region for six years, will voters keep them in power or replace them? The May 2025 vote is going to be a referendum on the MILF. 

UBJP spokesperson Mojahirin Ali said his group is confident that its candidates can win at least 41 seats to secure a majority without forging coalitions with other parties. 

If the MILF is confident of winning majority seats in next year’s elections, should it support the postponement moves? The postponement call puts it in an “awkward” position, said Ali. 

Ali said the MILF stands to benefit from both the postponement of elections because the group is expected to remain in power.

Likewise, with the scheduled conduct of the elections because the Supreme Court decision made Sulu Gov. Sakur Tan, the candidate of the MILF’s political rival, BARMM Grand Coalition (BGC), ineligible to participate in the regional elections, Ali said.

The BARMM government said it will let Congress decide the matter. 

“We understand the reasons why there is a push to reschedule the first parliamentary elections of the BARMM …. We leave it to the sound wisdom of both houses of Congress, the lower house and the upper house,” said BARMM Cabinet Secretary and spokesperson Asnin Pendatun.  

The Bangsamoro Transition Authority earlier passed a resolution seeking to extend the transition to 2028, citing the Supreme Court ruling on Sulu. But this was led by non-MILF members in the parliament. 

In Manila, the Senate promptly scheduled a committee hearing to deliberate on Escudero’s proposal for Thursday, Nov. 7. Local officials invited to the hearing disagreed on supporting the postponement.

“If Malacanang is the one calling for Congress to amend the organic law in order to postpone the elections, it will most probably happen,” said Benedicto Bacani, executive director of the Institute for Autonomy and Governance (IAG).

Preparations proceed

The high court removed Sulu from the BARMM, citing the province’s no vote during the 2019 plebiscite to create the new autonomous region. 

The decision disrupted the region’s preparations for the 2025 polls, but the Comelec was ready to proceed. It quickly moved to postpone the candidacy filing from Oct. 1-8 to Nov. 4-9. This allowed the political parties that will lose members from Sulu to be able to meet the 10,000 members’ requirement under the Bangsamoro Election Code.

Comelec made the right move, said Bacani. He said he does not believe that the Supreme Court’s decision warrants the postponement of the elections.

If Congress passes the postponement bill, he said there might be legal challenges. He cited the Supreme Court’s decisions on the primacy of the right of suffrage and the synchronization of national and local elections. 

It is best to proceed with the elections next year, Bacani said.

In Cotabato City, the BEO, BARMM government and the two major political parties told the PCIJ they are ready to hold elections next year.

“We are all excited for the first BARMM parliamentary elections …. Everyone is already preparing for the filing. All of a sudden mayroon kang na-file na bill in the Senate resetting the elections. Alam ko lahat ng partido na-surprise naman talaga e,” said Naguib Sinarimbo, city chapter head of the Serbisyong Inklusibo Alyansang Progresibo (SIAP), a member of the BGC.

Sinarimbo filed his candidacy for a district seat in Cotabato City on Nov. 7.

Eight BARMM political parties were accredited to participate in next year’s elections as of this writing. Three others that were denied accreditation were under reconsideration. 

Elsewhere in the region on Nov. 4, in a community inside the MILF’s Camp Darapanan in Maguindanao Del Norte, a group of women gathered to learn how they’re going to cast their votes in the parliamentary elections. 

Over the course of two hours, they learned that Bangsamoro voters will be given two ballots next year. One for the national and local elections, and another for the parliamentary elections. 

There will be two questions in the ballot for the Bangsamoro elections: 1) Which political party they are voting for, and 2) Who among the candidates for district representatives would they like to represent their interests?

The sectoral representatives, including one seat for women, will be chosen in assemblies. They will also be elected in succeeding elections.

All the political party, district and sectoral representatives will make up the 80 members of the parliament, who will then elect the chief minister. 

On a larger scale, Mariam Ali, executive director of the Mindanao Organizations of Social and Economic Progress (MOSEP), said they want to teach women that they can lead their communities. 

“It’s important to do this because it will enable women to understand how crucial their participation in elections is. It’s important for them to make their voices heard and their choices known,” Ali said.

Comelec said it will need P1 billion to P3 billion to hold a separate election in the BARMM, referring to the costs of manual and automated elections in the region, respectively.

Read more: 8 out of 10 district reps belong to dynasties

The post Amid jostling for power in BARMM, a new breed of leaders steps forward appeared first on CoverStory.

(Last of two parts)

The Sanggunian Kabataan (SK) law and Bangsamoro Electoral Code define and prohibit political dynasties. However, these laws only cover the SK and Bangsamoro parliamentary elections.

In national and local elections, clans continue to consolidate political and economic power.

Based on the electoral plans for May 2025 of district representatives belonging to political dynasties, here are five ways they are able to stay in power.

1.  Max out term limits

The Constitution allows politicians to hold local office for three consecutive three-year terms or a total of nine uninterrupted years.

In the current 19th Congress, 142 district representatives are reelectionists belonging to political dynasties , PCIJ’s count shows. They represent more than half of the 253 district seats.

The entire province of Ilocos Norte is dominated by reelectionist dynasts, with presidential son Ferdinand “Sandro” Marcos (first district) running for a second term and his uncle Angelo Marcos Barba (second district) fighting for a third term.

Since the Marcoses returned to the Philippines in 1991, they have uninterruptedly reigned over Ilocos Norte’s second district. But the first district was only recently captured by the clan in the 2022 elections, when Sandro Marcos beat Ria Fariñas, a member of a rival political family.

In Leyte, each of its five congressional districts is held by a different political dynasty member: Speaker and presidential cousin Ferdinand Martin Romualdez (first district), Lolita Javier (second district), Anna Victoria Veloso-Tuazon (third district), Richard Gomez (fourth district) and Carl Nicolas Cari (fifth district). They all plan to keep their posts. 

Other provinces where all districts are represented by reelectionist dynasts include Misamis Occidental and Misamis Oriental in the Visayas, and Cotabato, Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao del Norte and Maguindanao del Sur in Mindanao.

Many elected members of political dynasties maximize the three terms.

It is easy for them to get reelected because of the “incumbency advantage,” said political science professor Julio Teehankee.

“If you’re elected, you have all the resources of the state. And if you’re elected as a member of the House of Representatives, you have a pork barrel and all sorts of projects to show to your constituencies,” he said.

“The longer you stay in power, the more likely you will accumulate it … the more likely you will pass it on to your relatives,” Teehankee said.

Legal Network for Truthful Elections (Lente) Executive Director Rona Ann Caritos said many incumbent officials are guilty of abusing state resources to aid their campaigns.

Lente defines abuse of state resources (ASR) as “the misuse of government resources—whether material, human, coercive, regulatory, budgetary, media-related, or legislative—for electoral advantage.”

These commonly take the forms of social welfare programs and the use of government transportation, she said.

Caritos said Comelec can do its part by monitoring how state resources are reduced during election campaign seasons. “We’ve managed to convince Comelec to take on monitoring ASR hopefully in the 2025 elections… That’s another step also of somehow tempering the political dynasties,” she told PCIJ.

2. Seek higher positions, swap with relatives

What happens when their terms run out? There are those who seek higher office, like many of the incumbent senators who started their careers in the House of Representatives.

Others do not wait.

Las Piñas City Rep. Camille Villar is seeking a Senate seat after two terms in the House of Representatives. She is swapping places with her mother, Sen. Cynthia Villar, who is sliding back to run for a seat in the House of Representatives.

It is Sen. Villar who is reaching her term limit in the Senate next year. She dropped initial plans of running for mayor of Las Piñas.

It’s the same for Lanao Del Norte Rep. Mohamad Khalid Dimaporo, who will run for governor in 2025. He is swapping positions with his mother, Gov. Imelda Dimaporo, whose third term will end next year.

PCIJ research shows that 67 outgoing district representatives have opted to seek higher positions or switch positions with family members. Nearly half of them are term-limited.

In Masbate, a father and mother will swap roles with their children as district representatives.

Outgoing Masbate Gov. Antonio Kho is running for first district representative, a seat currently held by his son Ricardo Kho, who is joining the gubernatorial race. Antonio’s wife, Vice Gov. Elisa Kho, will contest her daughter Olga “Ara” Kho’s congressional seat in the second district.

Ara is eyeing the mayoral post of Masbate City, while her brother Wilton Kho seeks reelection as third district representative.

In Valenzuela, neophyte Kenneth Gatchalian is gunning for the position of first district representative, a seat previously held by his brothers Senator Win, Valenzuela Mayor Wes, and most recently Rex, who resigned when he was appointed secretary of the Department of Social Welfare and Development.

Marikina Mayor Marcelino “Marcy” Teodoro seeks to replace his wife, Rep. Maan Teodoro (Marikina City, first district), in the House. The same scenario is true in the city’s second district, where former deputy speaker Miro Quimbo is contesting his wife Rep. Stella Quimbo’s seat. Both wives will face off in the mayoral race.  

In Negros Oriental’s third district, a Teves has held the congressional seat since its creation in 1987, a legacy now set to continue with Janice Teves Gaston, aunt of expelled Rep. Arnolfo Teves Jr., running for the seat. He was removed from office following allegations of involvement in the assassination of Negros Oriental Gov. Roel Degamo. 

Elsewhere, political families are fielding their sons as candidates: the Silverios in the first district of Bulacan, the Collanteses in the third district of Batangas, and the Barzagas in the fourth district of Cavite. In each case, the sons are set to replace their congressmen-parents, who themselves succeeded one another.

Sen. Juan Miguel Zubiri’s wife Audrey Zubiri is running for the seat of her father-in-law Rep. Jose Maria Zubiri Jr. in Bukidnon’s third district.

Without a law prohibiting political dynasties, the term limits sped up the entry of the next generation of dynasts, said Teehankee.

Before martial law, he said there were only a few political dynasties because there were no term limits. A politician could occupy the same positions for as long as he is reelected. “The framers of the constitution introduced term limits, thinking it would deepen democracy [and] open up the seats for non-dynastic candidates.”

“That was a toxic combination. You introduce term limits without antipolitical dynasty legislation. It accelerated the rise of dynasties. The unintended consequence was that they multiplied,” Teehankee said.

3. Expand to new provinces, cities and towns

Political families have also expanded their influence to other provinces to consolidate their power, which Caritos referred to as “franchising.”

“They’re not content with their original territory, so they expand as well to nearby territories,” she said.

Mark Cojuangco, from the prominent dynasty in Tarlac, is seeking reelection as Pangasinan’s first district representative. His wife, former mayor and congresswoman Kimi Cojuangco, is a native of Pangasinan.

The Cojuangco dynasty began with patriarch Eduardo “Danding’’ Cojuangco’s election as Tarlac governor in 1967. Since then, other family members have held various political positions.

The Suansing family holds sway in both Nueva Ecija on the main island of Luzon and Sultan Kudarat in Mindanao.

Term-limited Rep. Horacio Suansing Jr. (Sultan Kudarat, second district) is passing the torch to his daughter Bella. His other daughter Mikaela is running for reelection as Nueva Ecija’s first district representative, a seat previously held by her mother Estrellita.

In Taguig City’s second district and San Juan City, sisters Amparo and Ysabel Zamora are seeking reelection as representatives, respectively. They are daughters of former San Juan Rep. Ronaldo Zamora. 

4. Intra-family rivalry

Rivalry heats up in several provincial districts as family members vie for the same positions, mostly likely securing the seat within the family.

In La Union’s first district, the congressional race is a face-off between Joy Ortega and her cousin, incumbent Rep. Francisco Paolo Ortega V.

Similarly, in Iloilo’s fifth district, Niel Tupas Jr. is challenging his sister-in-law Binky Tupas, wife of outgoing Rep. Raul Tupas, for the same seat.

In Nueva Ecija’s second district, siblings Mario Salvador and Micaela Salvador Violago, wife of incumbent Rep. Joseph Violago, are vying for the same position.

Former elections commissioner Luie Guia likened these family rivalries to the boxing sport. They serve only to entertain the voters, he said. In the end, Guia said, voters are not sure if one winning over the other will bring change.

5. Join the party-list system

Political dynasties have also been occupying party-list seats in the House of Representatives, which has allowed clans to hold up to three seats in the legislative chamber.

Many family members of incumbent district representatives are running in the party-list race.

Speaker Romualdez, who is seeking reelection as Leyte’s first district representative, is introducing his son Andrew to politics through the party-list system. The younger Romualdez is set to replace his mother Yedda as first nominee for the Tingog party-list group. Yedda is the sixth nominee.

Tingog is one of several regional party-list groups that has allowed political clans to expand their political influence.

The Tulfo can also have three nominees in the party-list elections. Sen. Raffy Tulfo’s wife, ACT-CIS Rep. Jocelyn Tulfo is seeking her third term. The senator’s sister, former tourism secretary Wanda Tulfo Teo, is also the first nominee of a new Ang Turismo party list group. Teo’s son is the third nominee.

The flawed party-list system has been criticized as a “backdoor” to the House for political dynasties and big businesses.

Caritos said adding an antidynasty provision in the Party-List System Act could prevent political families from taking advantage of the system. But like the passage of an anti-dynasty law, she isn’t hopeful that this will be passed in the near future.

Read more: That’s entertainment in politics

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Fathers and mothers passing on their government posts to sons and daughters, as if these were family heirlooms, is nothing new. But election watchdogs said it was jarring to watch political dynasties flaunt their power during the week-long filing of certificates of candidacy (COCs) this October.

It’s as if Oct. 1 to 8 was a scheduled family reunion for political dynasties who, wearing brand colors, trooped together to Commission on Elections (Comelec) offices across the country to formalize their election bids.  

Videos that flooded social media showed a fiesta-like atmosphere as political clans were welcomed by supporters at the venue. In some instances, there were dances, marching bands, and colorful tarpaulins.

A family photo was always taken, streamed live online, followed by interviews where they talked about passing down their elective positions as if they were theirs to give.

“If before the approach was more discreet, not all at once, now it seems like they’re even using the brand … ,” former Comelec Commissioner Luie Tito Guia told the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ).

An uproar followed the COC filing. Rona Ann Caritos, executive director of the Legal Network for Truthful Elections (Lente), said it is an opportunity to recall why political dynasties were prohibited by the framers of the 1987 Constitution. The prohibition remains unenforced because Congress has yet to pass an implementing law.

“We’ve been through many elections, and this (the rule of political dynasties) has always been the problem. But because some famous personalities, along with their family members, filed under such circumstances, it became a bigger concern,” Caritos said.

But can Congress be expected to pass a law against political dynasties?

Political science professor Julio Teehankee defines political dynasty as “the concentration, consolidation or perpetuation of political power in persons related to one another.”

“Kapag may kamag-anak ka. And, based on proposed laws, those who are related by consanguinity or affinity — consanguinity by blood of affinity in law. Some say it should extend up to the third degree, while others want it limited to the second degree,” said Teehankee, who has authored several studies on political dynasties in the country.

Using this definition, PCIJ research showed that over 80% of district seats in the House of Representatives are occupied by members of political dynasties.

Click the map to explore an interactive version.

Of the 253 district representatives, 142 or more than half are dynasts seeking reelection, PCIJ’s count shows.

The entire province of Ilocos Norte is dominated by reelectionist dynasts, with presidential son Ferdinand “Sandro” Marcos (first district) running for a second term and his uncle Angelo Marcos Barba (second district) fighting for a third term.

PCIJ’s count also shows that at least 67 outgoing district representatives have opted to switch positions with family members, ensuring their political influence remains intact. Nearly half of them are term-limited.

In Las Piñas City, Sen. Cynthia Villar and her daughter, Rep. Camille Villar, are swapping places, with the former sliding back to run as a congresswoman and the latter gunning for a Senate seat. 

These are two of several ways political dynasties are able to stay in power: reelection and swapping.

Underdevelopment and corruption

What’s so wrong about the concentration of power in a few political families?

Studies have shown a correlation between the high concentration of political families, underdevelopment, and corruption.

A 2022 research by the Ateneo School of Government revealed that “political concentration in a province creates conditions for predatory behavior that broadens the dynast’s opportunities for corruption while also limiting the ways citizens and business actors can hold them accountable.”

In places where dynasts rule, there’s less room for checks and balances, said Caritos.

“If you have families controlling the executive and controlling the legislative branch of government, there’s no check and balance anymore. That’s why corruption happens … why people don’t get the service and the programs that they really deserve,” she said.

But political families are fighting back against criticisms. When quizzed about their families, political dynasts assert their right to run for election.

‘Low supply of competent leaders’

But why do Filipinos vote them into power? It’s because of their ability to provide for their constituency through social programs and dole-outs or “ayuda,” said Teehankee.

Voters, in turn, “pay back” by casting their ballots for political dynasties, said Caritos. But she has one reminder: “Hindi naman galing sa (dynasties) ang aid na ‘yan … Nanggagaling yan sa buwis natin (The aid doesn’t come from dynasties, but from our taxes).”

Teehankee also attributes the problem to a “low supply” of competent leaders.

“There’s a high demand among voters for good politics, good governance, and issue-based politics. The problem is, there’s a limited supply of such kind of politicians due to cartel, oligopoly, monopoly of dynasties,” he said.\\“It’s costly for ordinary people to get into politics. And yet there’s a huge incentive for traditional politicians and dynasties to remain in power,” Teehankee added.

Renewed calls to pass antidynasty law

Citizens who were disgruntled by dynasties’ show of political might have renewed calls to pass an anti-dynasty law, something that the 1987 Constitution mandates.

Even Senate President Francis “Chiz” Escudero, who belongs to the powerful Escudero clan in Sorsogon, vowed not to block the passing of such a measure should the time come. 

“Dahil produkto ako n’yan, hindi ko haharangin ‘yan. Kung kailangan ng boto ko para mapasa ‘yan, boboto ako dahil laban naman ‘yun sa interest ko (I’m a product of that, but I won’t block its passage. If my vote is needed for its passage, I’ll vote for it),” he said in a press conference.

But Escudero said political reform advocates should not get their hopes up. He said it has a slim chance of approval.

Read more: That’s entertainment in politics

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If the pre-election polls hold until May 12, 2025, neophyte Sen. Raffy Tulfo will be welcoming two of his brothers to the Senate—fellow news broadcasters Erwin and Ben, who ranked first and second in the September 2024 Pulse Asia senatorial preferences survey.

Four other family members are seeking seats in the House of Representatives. The senator’s wife, ACT-CIS party-list group Rep. Jocelyn Tulfo, and his son, Quezon City Rep. Ralph Tulfo Jr., are seeking reelection.

Senator Tulfo’s sister Wanda Teo is also running as the first nominee of Ang Turismo party-list group while her son Robert Tulfo Teo is the third nominee. 

If they all win, there will be seven Tulfos in Congress next year.

Three Villars served in the Senate over the past two decades. Next year, a fourth Villar is seeking the same seat. Las Piñas Rep. Camille Villar aims to follow in the footsteps of her father, mother and brother, who all began their political careers in the House before advancing to the Senate.

The Villars are aiming for five seats next year.

Seeking higher positions and swapping roles allow political dynasties to stay in power and expand their political influence. It is only two of many tactics that are repeated in varying degrees in provinces, districts, cities, and municipalities.

Marcos-Romualdez dominance

The Tulfos and the Villars are getting a lot of attention due to their dominance, or potential dominance, in national politics.

The Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism’s (PCIJ) own count shows at least two dozens of political dynasties seeking to occupy at least five seats each after the May 2025 elections.

Among them are the Marcos-Romualdez’s clans of Ilocos Norte and Leyte, Singsons of Ilocos Sur, Hataman-Sallimans of Basilan, Ortegas of La Union, Dys of Isabela, Tulfos, Pacquiaos of South Cotabato and Sarangani, and Dutertes of Davao City.

They also include the Villar family of Las Piñas City, the Belmontes of Quezon City, Abaloses of Mandaluyong City; Revillas and Tolentinos of Cavite; Ejercitos of Laguna and San Juan City, Khos of Masbate, Duranos of Cebu, Dimaporos of Lanao del Norte, Alonto-Adiongs of Lanao del Sur, Ampatuans and Masturas of Maguindanao, and Tans of Sulu.

Four decades after the fall of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr., the Marcos family has succeeded in rehabilitating its legacy. His son and namesake Ferdinand Marcos Jr. leads national politics alongside his cousins in Leyte, who represent the political clan of his mother, former First Lady Imelda Marcos.

At least five Marcoses are running for seats in the Senate, House of Representatives and Ilocos Norte local government, based on PCIJ’s count. At least five Romualdezes are also running for various positions in Leyte.

Many other political dynasties have had a tight grip on their provinces for decades.

In Ilocos Sur, Luis “Chavit” Singson, considered a kingmaker in the region, is a fixture in provincial and regional politics. He is taking another shot at the Senate race after losing his bid back in 2007.

By PCIJ’s count, 10 other family members are running for various seats in the party-list race and in local races in Ilocos Sur. Four of them are running against each other.

In La Union, the province is too small for the country’s oldest political dynasty, the Ortega political clan, which has exercised an unbroken rule of the province in the last century.

At least 11 Ortegas are running next year for only eight positions. They are fighting against each other for the gubernatorial seat, one district seat, and leadership of an adjacent town, the popular San Juan surf town.

These family rivalries will secure the seats for the clan. 

It’s the same names in Cavite: the Revillas and Tolentinos dominate as the Remullas opt to join the Marcos government.

The Khos of Masbate seek to control all district seats. The Duranos of Cebu are joining the party-list race, too.

In Mindanao, the Hataman-Saliman clan of Basilan Island has eight family members running next year. They are fighting against each other in the gubernatorial and mayoral races. The Pacquiaos of South Cotabato and Sarangani have seven family members running for office.

The clans of Dimaporo in Lanao del Norte, Adiong in Lanao del Sur, Ampatuan and Mastura in Maguindanao, and Tan in Sulu are all old names.

The list of two dozen political clans is the result of PCIJ’s initial scan of candidates that filed their certificates of candidacy (COCs) in early October, based on news media reports and social media posts of the candidates, news media, and offices of the Commission on Elections (Comelec).

The numbers could be higher if family members running for lower positions like city and municipal councilors were reported. The count also does not include barangay officials. (You can help PCIJ complete the list here.)

Flaunted and sold like brands

Political dynasties are prohibited under the 1987 Constitution. But Congress’ failure to pass an implementing law has turned political dynasties from “largely thin” to “fat,” said Julio Teehankee, a political science professor who has authored several studies on political clans in the Philippines.

“If you exceed four or five [family members in politics], that’s already obese. Sobrang taba na. It’s not good for the health of democracy,” Teehankee said, commenting on PCIJ’s research.

Former Comelec Commissioner Luie Guia said good governance advocates like himself should work harder to inform voters about the negative impact of allowing political dynasties to control national and local governance. 

He lamented how the filing of COCs from October 1-8 seemingly became a parade of political dynasties. Families used to be defensive, said Guia. Now, they are flaunting their dynasties like they are product brands.

Poverty and underdevelopment

Long-term studies have shown links between political dynasties and poverty. 

“There is a correlation between the high concentration of political families or dynasties and the high percentage of underdevelopment or the low levels of development. These are empirically proven,” said Teehankee. 

“There are some [good dynasties], but they have become more of an exception rather than the rule,” he said. 

Legal Network for Truthful Elections (Lente) Executive Director Rona Ann Caritos said areas controlled by political dynasties also have higher risks of corruption and this is “why people don’t get the service and programs they really deserve.”

“Checks and balances are integral to our government, which is why the legislative, executive, and judiciary branches are separate. If families control both the executive and legislative branches, there’s no check and balance anymore. That’s why corruption happens; that’s why bad governance happens,” Caritos said.

PCIJ also mapped the political clans according to the poverty incidences in their respective provinces to gain a better understanding of the correlation between dynasties and underdevelopment.

The patterns are worrisome but not surprising. It reveals a picture of uneven development across the country, with growth concentrated mainly in already developed areas—predominantly in Metro Manila and the rest of Luzon—while regions like Mindanao remain neglected.

The red bubbles represent political dynasties based in the National Capital Region. The yellow, purple, and green bubbles represent those in the rest of Luzon, the Visayas, and Mindanao, respectively. In the chart, poverty incidence increases from left to right.

The PCIJ map shows that poverty incidence is an inadequate metric for political dynasties to use as the sole indicator of their performance.

“It’s a metric, but it’s not the only metric,” said Maria Carmen “Ica” Fernandez, who has studied development patterns in Philippine provinces, particularly in conflict areas.

“To some extent, even some elements of the Seal of Good Local Governance can be gamed,” she said.

Poverty incidence alone is also not enough to fully measure poverty in localities.

Fernandez said less inequality and more market competition, for example, would be better indicators.

“Are they able to provide more public goods such as increased electrification, better schools, better water systems, more access to healthcare, regardless of voting pattern? Do these dynasties allow small and medium enterprises and businesses to flourish, or are all the assets and sources of income concentrated in the hands of the few?” Fernandez said.

Still, certain political dynasties stand out in the PCIJ map.

Questions voters should ask

Guia said there has to be a pushback and there are important questions voters should be asking. 

“Let us ask as citizens why a family would desire stronger political power,” said Guia. “Bakit sila nandyan? Bakit sila lang? Wala na bang iba? At ano ba ‘yung makukuha nila dyan? (Why are they there? Why only them? Is there no one else? And what do they stand to gain from it?)”

The answers will shed light on the motivations behind dynasties in the country, he said.  

“If you look at it, why are they spending such a huge amount [during campaigns], and sometimes you can’t even figure out where the funds are coming from? What is really at stake there?”

Teehankee said there is also evidence of political dynasties using their political power to serve their business interests. “Because when the lines between private and public interest are blurred, whose interest will prevail? Usually, it’s the self-interest of the dynasties,” he said.

These are the deeper questions that need to be answered, said Guia. “What are the thriving businesses in this area? Is there mining? Is there oil? Especially if the issue is about controlling natural resources.”

‘Predatory politics’ and ASR

This is when “predatory politics” happens, said Teehankee. “Have you not noticed that in areas with many dynasties in our country, they are the ones who own gas stations, fast food chains, and various other businesses?”

A substantial portion of government funds is allocated for these regular procurement items because they are essential for delivering basic government services and programs.

Yet many voters feel they are indebted to political families when they avail themselves of these programs and services, said Caritos. It is this Filipino virtue of “utang na loob (debt of gratitude)” that has always worked to the advantage of political dynasties, who attach their names to government services. 

Lente regularly monitors the abuse of state resources by government officials during election campaigns. These commonly take the forms of social welfare programs and the use of government transportation, said Caritos.

Even government employees, who should not engage in partisan political activities, are sometimes mobilized to campaign for incumbent officials, she said.

“Abuse of state resources plays a big role. It really entrenches these political families deeper in power. Because they are in power, the government resources and government personnel are at their disposal. If they use it for good—kahit use pa lang—advantage na nila. How much more kapag abuse?”

Guia said he has resolved not to vote for candidates in the House and Senate who will not commit to pass the anti-dynasty law required by the Constitution. “If no one will commit, then I’d rather not vote,” he said.

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The lawyer Vince Tañada, who is also a movie and stage producer, director, writer, and actor, warns the candidate to first study the law and its formulation, pointing out that what she is embarking on is far from easy. Here is his simple explanation: 

“Ang tinatakbo po ni Rosmar ay konsehal, legislative po ito. Yong legislative po, tama ka naman d’yan, kapatid, na naiboto si Robin Padilla. At ngayon naman ay tumatakbo si Phillip Salvador, kasama pa itong si Willie Revillame. 

“Inuulit ko po, tatlo ang branches ng government, ang executive, ang legislative at ang judiciary. Ang executive po, dito kasama ang presidente, vice-president, mayor, governor. Sa legislative, sila po yong senador, congressman, vice mayor, konsehal, at mga board member po sa mga probinsiya. Ang judiciary naman, yong mga nasa korte. Tandaan po natin na ang tatakbuhan nina Phillip at Willie ay legislative. 

“Hindi naman po pwede na ang rason nila sa pagtakbo ay pang-executive. Yong pagbibigay ng tulong sa mga mahihirap, pagtsa-charity work, pagbibigay ng pera o bigas, strictly speaking, hindi po yon papel ng executive. Ang pagtakbo po ng senador ay paggawa ng batas. Hindi naman po executive ang tinatakbuhan nila, legislative. Ang pagtulong sa mamamayan ay hindi gawain ng mga senador.” 

In English, Tañada says: “What [Rosmar] is gunning for is for councilor, this is legislative. You’re right, sister, anyway, that Robin Padilla was voted to the Senate. And now, Phillip Salvador and Willie Revillame are running for senators. I repeat, there are three branches of government. The executive includes the president, mayor, governor. The legislative is for the senators, congressmen, vice-mayor, councilors, provincial board members. Meanwhile, the judiciary is for the people in courts. Let’s be reminded that Phillip and Willie are running for the Senate, legislative. It’s not proper that their reason for running is being an executive.”

His warning to the candidate is succinct: “Kaya kung ako ikaw, Rosmar, mag-aral ka muna ng batas at pagsulat ng batas. Hindi basta-basta ang pinapasok  mo.”

Despite his being a lawyer and his illustrious political roots, Tañada never dreamed of entering the government and is convinced that he can be of help to others outside politics: “Kahit abugado ako at galing sa pamilya ng mga pulitiko, hindi ko pinangarap pumasok sa gobyerno. Kahit hindi ako pulitiko, makakatulong ako sa aking kapwa.”

Questions

In this light, would Tañada root for the singer and new Bar passer Jimmy Bondoc for the Senate? If we use his parameters as our gauge, would the health tips of cancer patient Dr. Willie Ong, or Ben Tulfo’s my-brother’s-keeper exposés of oppression, or his sibling Erwin Tulfo’s social welfare secretary tone, serve as guarantees for seats in the Senate?    

What about band member Marc Gamboa, son of a cosmetics manufacturer—would he survive in the senatorial battle by playing music during campaign sorties? (Of course, you can’t fault the father, Louie Razon Gamboa, for taking pride in the son: “I’m also very, very proud of him.”) 

Or Camille Villar, a potential calendar girl with her posters tacked in every nook and cranny all over the countryside long before the period for the filing of the certificates of candidacy, as though she were a beauty queen fresh from a pageant overseas. Does being a member of the House of Representatives, child of a billionaire ex-politician, daughter and sister of incumbent senators, make her a surefire addition to the Senate? 

Can it be said that fame, public adulation, walking the corridors of power, and the accompanying and unlimited perks—all subsumed in the never-ending mantra of “helping the needy”—are top of mind in the reelection bids of Bong Revilla and Lito Lapid, and of boxing champ Manny Pacquiao and TV personality Tito Sotto?

Guy and Vi

They may not be pitted against each other for the same post, but fielding themselves in the political arena has heightened the rivalry of Superstar Nora Aunor and Star for All Seasons Vilma Santos after all these years.

Nora has filed a certificate of nomination and acceptance as second nominee of the party-list group People’s Champ Movement, while Vilma is in the running to reclaim the post of governor of Batangas province—a level of role-playing in both real and reel life.

Politics is indeed an extension of other social fields like arts and culture, lifestyle and entertainment. Competition comes in various shapes and sizes, in different shades and colors.

Sadly, the fans have been spitting fire in defense of their respective idols—a veneration without understanding, to borrow from the progressive historian Renato Constantino.

The dialectics of the Nora-Vilma dichotomy are once again at the fore, and it would be good to review their contributions to the social culture, the public and the personal, and many other things. Between Ate Guy and Ate Vi, who presented the dissent against the established order, initially for the betterment of oneself, and then later, for the good of the many?

It’s an interesting issue to this day. As an argument, no “has-been” between these stars can be reduced to oblivion as measured by consumerism, for Nora and Vilma are established actresses, artists. An artist never dies; he or she just fades away.  

Local scene

In the local scene, no matter the loud bashing, no one can stop the son of Vilma and Finance Secretary Ralph Recto, Ryan Christian Recto, to run as representative of the lone district of Lipa City in Batangas and his half-bro, Luis Manzano, as vice-governor of his mom.

Check out the couple domination of Richard Gomez and Lucy Torres in Leyte—he as representative of the fourth district and she as mayor of Ormoc City.

Detained actor and ex-politician Dennis Roldan’s son Marco Gumabao, actress Cristine Reyes’ boyfriend, is trying his luck to represent the fourth district of Camarines Sur.

Actress Lani Mercado and son Jolo Revilla are running again to represent the second and first districts of Cavite, respectively, while EJ Falcon is gunning for a congressional seat in Oriental Mindoro.

Food vlogger Diwata is fourth nominee for the Vendors party-list, shouting not only his entrepreneurship but his gayness as well.

Would you believe that new dad Zanjoe Marudo and Imelda Papin’s sis Aileen Papin are running under Asap Na and Loyalista party-lists, respectively?

It’s a reelection attempt in Bulacan for drama/action star Daniel Fernando for governor and actor Alex Castro for his vice-gov.

“SDA (sex-action-drama) king” Dan Fernandez (to borrow the still-missing movie columnist, TV host and talent manager Boy C de Guia’s marketing brand for Phillip Salvador) could run full circle if he wins as governor of Laguna against erstwhile ABS-CBN broadcast reporter Sol Aragones, with actress-singer Gem Castillo as Dan’s vice-gov.

Miss Flawless comedienne Angelica Jones has filed her certificate of candidacy as provincial board member in Laguna’s third district, while action and drama superstar Roi Vinzon (a native of Pampanga but affiliated to Mountain Province by romantic liaison) guns for a board seat in Benguet.

A three-pronged mayoral fight in Manila is being waged by celebrities—Isko Moreno; the incumbent Honey Lacuna, former Radio Philippines Network Channel 9 newscaster Dodie Lacuna’s cousin; and Sam Versoza, Tutok to Win party-list rep and current boyfriend of Rhian Ramos.

The late talent manager Leo Dominguez’s protégé, action film hero Emilio Garcia, and the late director Wenn V. Deramas’ discovery, DJ Durano, are gunning for mayor of Bay in Laguna and Sogod in Cebu, respectively.

Other wannabes

Here are other names drawing attention.

Candidates for vice-mayor: prizewinning actor Yul Servo, Manila; action star, taekwondo champ and ex-congressman Monsour del Rosario, Makati; and actress Angelika dela Cruz, Malabon.

For councilors (Quezon City): actress Aiko Melendez (who filed her certificate with boyfriend Rep. Jay Khonghun, who is running again as representative of the first district of Zambales), hunk actor Enzo Pineda and former congressman Alfred Vargas, all of them from the fifth district, and Doland Castro of ABS-CBN’s “TV Patrol,” first district.

Pasig City: actresses Angelu de Leon and Ara Mina, second district, and beauty queen Shamsey Supsup, first district.

Manila: comedian and perennial councilman Lou Veloso, Jr., fourth district, and sexy actor Wendell Ramos, sixth district.

Caloocan City: controversial star Marjorie Barretto, mom of Julia Barretto, first district.

Paranaque City: Abby Viduya (aka former sexy actress Priscilla Almeda), Yeoj Marquez (son of Alma Moreno and Joey Marquez), and Allen Tan, all for the first district; and Ryan Yllana, second district.

Angeles City, Pampanga: hunk actor Aljur Abrenica and erstwhile Viva Hot Babe JC Parker.

Concepcion, Tarlac: Vice Ganda’s partner Ion Perez.

So who’s your bet?

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