Screenshots of the documents accompanied a report that first surfaced in mid-April in Taiwan, claiming that Imelda Marcos, the widow of ousted president Ferdinand Marcos Sr., sold the gold in Europe and the United States and funneled the proceeds through 18 bank accounts, reportedly worth over $100 billion, with the help of a Hong Kong-based bank.

The report also claims that the Hong Kong Monetary Authority (HKMA) is investigating the scheme, allegedly based on documents submitted to its anti-money laundering division by a Taiwanese businessman identified only by the surname Peng.

The story has gone viral on Chinese online platforms and has been amplified in the Philippines by supporters of detained former president Rodrigo Duterte, including vlogger Claire Eden Contreras (aka Maharlika) and lawyer Harry Roque. Both have used the allegations to attack President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and revive rumors about his alleged drug use.

No comment on allegations

The HKMA has not issued a public statement on the allegations. In response to this writer’s query, it said it does not comment on individual cases.

“In line with international standards, banks in Hong Kong are required to implement effective anti-money laundering and counter-financing of terrorism systems, taking into account their risk appetites and business operations,” the HKMA said. “Where banks identify any suspicious transactions, they are required to report to law enforcement agencies as soon as practicable for investigation and follow-up.”

The HKMA added: “It is worth noting that the investigation of crimes, as well as the tracing, restricting and confiscation of funds or property concerned, is carried out by law enforcement agencies in accordance with relevant laws and regulations in Hong Kong (e.g., the Organized and Serious Crimes Ordinance).”

The report emerged as the Philippines headed into a tense election season marked by deepening fractures between the Marcos and Duterte factions. It was first circulated after the March 11 arrest of Duterte, now detained in The Hague and awaiting trial before the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity tied to his brutal “war on drugs.”

Chinese commentaries have framed the situation as a “Jedi counterattack,” a veiled reference to Duterte’s resilience. Some have speculated without proof that Duterte laid the groundwork for the revelations during a visit to Hong Kong just before his arrest at the Ninoy Aquino International Airport.

The report has also been linked to rising tensions between the Philippines and China over the West Philippine Sea. Its timing coincided with the annual Balikatan joint military exercises between the Philippines and the United States, which Beijing has criticized.

According to the viral story, Peng claimed that between 2006 and 2011, Imelda Marcos authorized a housekeeper—identified in the documents as Antonia RV Indita, also known as Shirley Cua Lee Yang—to use shell companies to sell the 350 tons of gold and route the proceeds through HSBC in Hong Kong. The destination of the funds remains unclear. Peng reportedly said he was one of a dozen intermediaries from the United States, Australia, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and the Philippines who helped facilitate the transactions. He also alleged that the Marcos family had held vast quantities of gold since the 1990s.

The 350 tons of gold cited in the report far exceed the Philippines’ official reserves. As of December 2024, the Philippines recorded 130.89 tons, valued by the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas at $12.05 billion in February. 

Nonexistent banks 

Many of the financial institutions listed in the partial bank roster supposedly submitted by Peng to the HKMA appear to be fictitious.

Among the most glaring is a supposed “Philippine Bank of Munich” located on Chez Mouia Street in Munich, Switzerland. No such street exists, and no city or canton in Switzerland is called Munich. Munich is a city in Germany. Ruben Carranza, former commissioner of the Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG) who led efforts that recovered $680 million in Marcos assets hidden in Switzerland, the United States, and other countries, said no such bank exists in Germany either.

“It would be such an incredible thing for any Filipino to have a bank in Europe…given the reserve requirements in the European banking system,” Carranza said.

The alleged document also lists institutions such as the “Ireland Swiss and Cork Bank” and “International Hungary Bank,” neither of which appears in official registries of licensed financial institutions. Other details raise additional suspicion. “Fern Ville,” a supposed street in Cork, Ireland—the supposed location of the Ireland Swiss and Cork Bank—is not a street but the name of a two-story home built in Cork, Ireland’s second largest city, in the 1800s, as confirmed by search engine results and online mapping tools.

A search for “Rimpau Ave” in “Forthworth, Hungary,” the claimed address of the International Hungary Bank, leads nowhere. There is no city named Forthworth in Hungary. Account numbers appearing in the alleged document also do not conform to the standard structure of the banking systems in the countries that were listed.

There are no records of banks named “Japan and Swiss Banking Corporation” or “Narita Saving and Trust” operating in Japan. “Natomishi-Nagasaki,” the listed location of the Japan Swiss and Banking Corporation, does not correspond to any known city, town or district in Japan. 

The same bank names appear in another unrelated document: a purported deed of assignment dated Sept. 6, 1985, allegedly executed by then president Ferdinand Marcos Sr. and Fr. Jose Antonio M. Diaz. It claims the pair assigned their rights over $500 billion in cash and gold deposits in 15 Japanese banks to a Rev. Dr. Floro E. Garcia. That document also contains numerous red flags: fabricated bank names and misspelled details. The accounts are supposedly under the name of Diaz or one of his nine alleged aliases.

Supporters of the late dictator have long tried to rationalize the Marcos family’s unexplained wealth, claiming that the so-called Tallano royal family paid Marcos and Diaz 400,000 tons of gold for legal services—a myth that has been repeatedly debunked by historians. Imelda Marcos has also attributed her husband’s fortune to gold he allegedly found after World War II, often linked to the mythical Yamashita treasure.

During the campaign for the 2022 presidential election, then candidate Ferdinand Marcos Jr. denied the existence of these treasures, saying he had seen neither.

‘Sloppy’ and ‘suspicious’

Carranza described the alleged documents cited by the latest report on the purported transactions involving the Marcos family’s alleged 350 tons of gold as “sloppy” and “suspicious on many levels.”

The listings name Ferdinand E. Marcos as the direct account holder—a move Carranza said contradicts how the family historically concealed wealth.

“Why would Ferdinand Marcos open a bank account in his name? In all the Swiss bank accounts that we’ve uncovered and some of which we recovered, you’ll never see Ferdinand Marcos as the account owner,” Carranza said.

Instead, he said, the Marcoses used layered institutions and trusted agents to obscure ownership and complicate asset recovery efforts. One screenshot in the viral report shows a letterhead with the signature of “Imelda R. Marcos” authorizing a house help to transact on her behalf. Another document contains grammatical errors and inconsistent formatting.

“No one would take you seriously,” said Carranza, pointing out that the Marcoses typically hired experienced bankers and lawyers—including the Swiss banker Bruno de Preux—to manage their finances discreetly. He said financial criminals, including scammers, rarely broadcast their schemes.

“If this person wanted money from the Marcoses, he would’ve approached them directly and said something like, ‘I’m going to blackmail you,’” Carranza said. “But this report was circulated publicly, almost like a press release…It’s suspicious on many levels.”

Carranza also said that while Hong Kong was used in the past by the Marcoses for illicit financial activity, those operations were deeply covert and routed through professional intermediaries, not anonymous online uploads. “This story is different because it doesn’t fit that pattern,” he said.

He cited a historical example from PCGG documents: kickbacks Ferdinand Marcos Sr. received from Japan’s war reparations. A year after becoming president in 1965, Marcos was said to have begun channeling the reparations program toward the public sector, manipulating it to extract 15% “rebates” or kickbacks and earning him the moniker “Mr. 15 Percent.”

According to Carranza, the operation was facilitated by retired Brig. Gen. Eulogio Balao, then chair of the war reparations committee, who routed the funds through Hong Kong before transferring them to Marcos’ Swiss accounts.

An affidavit submitted to the PCGG by Balao’s successor, former public works minister Baltazar Aquino, said the scheme generated at least $47.7 million in kickbacks between 1966 and 1971. Even while court cases were pending, Imelda Marcos traveled to Hong Kong or Shanghai under the guise of seeking traditional medicine but would meet her American lawyers, including James Linn, Carranza said.

Following the story trail

The viral claim about the Marcos family’s alleged sale and laundering of 350 tons of gold first appeared on Chinese-language websites in Taiwan. One of the earliest outlets to carry the story was Meihua Media, a site viewed by some as pro-China due to its owner’s and editors’ stance on reunification.

Published on April 17, Meihua Media’s report spread across not only Taiwan but also overseas Chinese communities through websites, some of them registered in China. For example, Taiguo.com (Thailand Network), which pushed the narrative to a Thai audience, lists Shanxi province as its registrant location, while Huaren Zhan lists Shandong.

The narrative also reached Chinese-speaking communities in the Philippines or those following developments there via Fei Hua Ba (Philippine Chinese) on Weixin and through sites like Phhua.com and Bole.ph. Asia Television News (ATV), a company registered in Kuala Lumpur with a website hosted in Hong Kong, republished the story on April 28. ATV’s report was heavily cited by Chinese-language social media accounts, helping the claim gain momentum in China.

By April 29 and 30, the story had been adapted into text and video content and shared across hundreds of accounts on major platforms: news aggregators and portal iFeng, Sohu, NetEase, Toutiao and Baidu Bajiahao; video platforms iQIYI, Haokan Video and Bilibili; social media platforms WeChat, Weibo and Douyin; and messaging platform QQ.

A short video version of the story began circulating on Philippine Facebook pages after Russia Today posted it on Weibo, drawing more than 230,000 plays. China VTV of Hong Kong later reposted it on Facebook. Among the pro-Duterte pages and groups that amplified the video were Gringo ICC Petition, Du34s, Duterte Seafarer’s Club and PRRD–The Greatest, one of whose page administrators is listed as based in China. China Youth Daily, the official newspaper of the Communist Youth League of China, posted the video on TikTok on April 30, helping it reach audiences outside China. TikTok does not operate in China.

On X (formerly Twitter), English-language versions appeared through accounts like ShanghaiEye, affiliated with the state-owned Shanghai Media Group, and a newly created pro-Duterte account named Taylor Cayetano. These posts helped spread the claim beyond Chinese-language circles.

Several English-language Facebook accounts echoed the narrative using content posted by Asia Today, a self-described news page linking to a questionable website.

The story gained further traction in the Philippines on Labor Day when former Duterte spokesman Roque and vlogger Contreras repeated the allegations in video posts. These were picked up by Bombo Radyo, Politiko and Abogado. Contreras posted a follow-up video on May 2.

On Philippine social media, reactions were sharply divided. Some mocked the Marcos family, others expressed outrage at the story’s lack of media coverage, and a few treated it as part of a supposed Duterte counterattack.

Persisting gold myth 

Carranza said the reemergence of the Marcos gold narrative serves to manufacture legitimacy and obscure historical accountability. He said that despite rulings by Philippine and foreign courts declaring the family’s wealth illegal, the Marcoses have continued pushing the idea that their unexplained riches stem from gold and not corruption.

The former PCGG commissioner lamented that many Filipinos continue to fall for the myth, with scammers exploiting it to solicit payments from those hoping to claim a “share” of the Marcos gold.

“But you see Bongbong Marcos laugh it off on TV, saying, ‘I don’t know about that.’ If you didn’t and they’re using your name, shouldn’t you ask them to be investigated?” Carranza said, referring to the President by his nickname. “This is syndicated estafa.”

He said the Marcoses are avoiding an inquiry that would open up a deeper discussion into their alleged crimes.

Carranza also said that while the Marcoses and Dutertes have been attacking one another over a range of issues, they have avoided exposing transactions and specific acts of corruption that would implicate not only themselves but also their allies and cronies whose support they need, especially in the 2028 presidential election.

On why the myth of the Marcos gold persists, Carranza recalled a theory once shared by the late former PCGG chair Haydee Yorac. “She would always say that the Marcoses wanted to exaggerate and even just create these myths about having gold. That was just the way for them to cover up their stealing,” he said, adding:

“So, for [anyone] to take that seriously would precisely fall into the trap laid by the Marcoses.”

Yvonne T. Chua is an associate professor of journalism at the University of the Philippines Diliman and the project coordinator of Tsek.ph.

The post Phantom banks, shaky claims undercut viral report on Marcos gold appeared first on CoverStory.

In congressional districts, cities and municipalities, some dynasties—the Apostols of Leyte, the Felixes of Cainta, Rizal, and the Eusebios of Pasig City—were also dislodged from their perch by neophytes. 

The octogenarian Sergio Apostol lost to businessman Henry Ong in the congressional race in Leyte’s second district in 2016. 

It was an in-your face victory. Ong, whose family owned the grocery chain Cherry Foodarama before it was sold to the Sys, not only ended Apostol’s years-long reign, but burst the bubble of dynasts in the province. No one’s invincible. 

Leyte is a haven of dynasts, like many provinces in the country. The governorship is held by the Petillas, and its four districts are apportioned among the Romualdezes, Dazas, Gomezes—and the Apostols, until 2016. 

In the campaign, the 44-year-old Ong fought the 81-year-old Apostol toe to toe, according to Donabel Tumandao, a former professor and resident of Dulag town, Leyte. 

She wrote a thesis on the rise of the Apostols and the emergence of challengers against them for her master’s degree in political science at the University of the Philippines Diliman in 2023. 

Ong had money but had to build a “mobilization structure” by hiring Apostol’s own strategists and tapping local leaders. For his part, Apostol enjoyed the backing of incumbent mayors, Tumandao said. 

But unlike Apostol, Ong campaigned in all of the district’s 501 barangays and spoke to as many residents as possible, leveraged social media, ran an anticorruption campaign and framed the election as a battle between the young and old. 

In the end, he succeeded at leveling the electoral game of money and politics and won by a margin of about 12,000 votes. 

Strong challenger 

Before 2016, the Apostol dynasty had been in decline over its lack of political descendants, intra-family conflict and allegations of corruption, according Tumandao, a former political science professor at the University of the Philippines (UP) Tacloban. 

Of their six children, only daughter Anlie was in politics. She was elected mayor of Carigara town in 2004, replacing her mother Ebbie, before winning as provincial board governor in 2010. She was convicted for murder years later. 

As the clan showed vulnerabilities, a strong challenger emerged in the person of Ong, Tumandao said.  

Ebbie was elected provincial board member in 2016 and won another term (2019–2022).  No other family member is running in this year’s midterms. 

“It’s not impossible entirely for them to make a comeback and capitalize on the Apostol name. But if their absence is prolonged, given no family member is interested, it will be quite difficult,’’ Tumandao, who was not yet born when the Apostol patriarch won his first term as a congressman in 1992, told the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ).  

In 2019, Ong lost his reelection bid to Karen Lolita Javier, wife of Sandy Javier, owner of food chain Andok’s and incumbent Leyte vice governor. Ong lost again to Javier in a rematch in 2022. Javier is seeking a third term on May 12.   

Well-known journalist 

In Cainta, a first-class municipality in Rizal province, former ABS-CBN TV reporter Mon Ilagan also defeated Nic Felix of the prominent Felix clan in the 2004 mayoral race. He won two more terms until 2013.   

When he joined the fray, Ilagan was enjoying a high credibility as a TV journalist. He was a new face, and ran on a campaign of reforms, which resonated with voters, including migrants, according to Raymund John Rosuelo. 

“Mon Ilagan was quite a well-known journalist. He appears on TV every day. It’s not as if people don’t know him. You see him every night. When he ran, people were aware of him, he had credibility and generally positive and 100-percent awareness factor. That helped him,” he told PCIJ.   

Rosuelo also wrote a thesis on the erosion of the Felix clan’s political dominance for his master’s degree in political science at De La Salle University in 2016.    

But there were other factors, too. Ilagan was backstopped by the Ynares dynasty of Rizal, which had a falling out with erstwhile allies, the Felix clan. After the results were tallied, a big percentage of his votes came from a growing population of migrants who owed no loyalty to any politician, he observed. 

“Most of the votes of Ilagan came from the migrant voters. Those in the peripheries. Over three electoral cycles they would vote for a new candidate,’’ he said. 

That he won two more terms meant that his victory was “no fluke,’’ said Rosuelo, who taught political science at University of Makati and now heads the Commission on Human Rights’ research division. 

“Mon was popular among his constituents, just like Vico [Sotto],’’ he said. 

After completing three full terms, Ilagan also fielded his wife for mayor but she lost, in what Rosuelo called an attempt at “self-perpetuation.” 

Reformist, charismatic image 

Ilagan’s win heralded the mayoral victory of Vico Sotto, who ended the Eusebio clan’s reign in 2019 in neighboring Pasig City. Sotto is seeking a third term in May, and has promised no family member will run for his post after his stint. 

“Primarily, the voters have grown tired of the Eusebios,’’ Dennis Coronacion, chair of the University of Santo Tomas’ (UST) Department of Political Science, told PCIJ. 

The level of development on the Eusebios’ watch has remained the same over the years “with little improvement,’’ said the professor, a Pasig City resident who voted for Sotto. 

Besides, Sotto, who had an insider look at the city’s problems as a councilor, presented an “alternative way of governance” that appealed to the residents, he added. 

“But some start out as a reformist, but it turns out it’s just an image. Good for us, Vico Sotto is not like that,’’ he said. 

Sotto’s charisma and public dissatisfaction with the Eusebios were a potent combination that led to the clan’s downfall, observed Paul Micah Francisco, an instructor of political science at the UST Department of Political Science. 

“With his charisma, experience and education, he beat the Eusebios,’’ he said. 

If Sotto wins in May, he will be serving three full terms as mayor, like Ilagan. 

Reclaiming power will be an uphill battle for the Eusebios and other clans like them, Coronacion said. 

“Once you’re not in power, it’s hard to go back,’’ he said. “Those who replaced you, they’re definitely going to consolidate their power so that any challenger will not be able to mount a successful comeback.” 

When dynasties become dormant, doors open for independent candidates coming from different sectors and offering a new set of programs, said Ma. Ela Atienza, political science professor at UP Diliman.  

She cited the cases of Pampanga Gov. Eduardo “Among Ed” Panlilio, Isabela Gov. Padaca, and Dinagat Islands Gov. and Rep. Arlene “Kaka” Bag-ao, although they served for at least one term.  

“But when they are replaced by a similar political dynasty that will dominate politics, it’s still not competitive. So if the participation of nonmembers of dynasties is limited, nothing has changed,’’ Atienza told PCIJ. 

For instance, human rights lawyer Jejomar Binay ended the reign of the Yabuts in Makati City only to begin his own dynasty there.  

Still, there are bright hopes among the ranks of Sangguniang Kabataan (SK) leaders who are independent, break the mold of traditional politics and have good initiatives, Atienza said. 

“We met some youth leaders at the SK level who had good programs such as reproductive health,’’ she said. “There are up and coming new leaders who just need our support, and media attention.”

Read more: Even the mightiest political dynasties fall silent—and fade away

The post When voters say ‘enough’: Dynasties in Leyte, Cainta and Pasig fall from power appeared first on CoverStory.

Some dynasties fade away from politics and public consciousness due to lack of successors, defeats to emerging clans or even “erosion of narrative.”  

Once among the who’s who in Philippine politics for decades, the Laurels are now a “defunct” dynasty. The Aquinos and Osmeñas are dormant but are also close to disappearing. The Enriles are dormant, but are in government.   

Since 2001, no member of the Laurel clan has been elected in public office, according to Dr. Julio Teehankee, political science professor at De La Salle University.   

After serving as vice president to President Corazon “Cory” Aquino in her coup-besieged administration, Salvador “Doy” Laurel ran for president but lost to Fidel Ramos in 1992. He died in 2004.   

Laurel’s father, Jose P. Laurel, was president during the Japanese Occupation in the 1940s, and grandfather, Sotero Laurel, was a member of the Malolos Congress in 1898. 

“It’s a failure of dynastic succession,’’ Teehanke told the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ), citing his ongoing research, “Dynastic Cycles: The Rise and Fall of Political Families in the Philippines.” 

Besides, the Laurels have also focused on running the family-owned Lyceum of the Philippines University, he added. 

The Laurels as well as the Aquinos, Osmeñas and the Ortegas fall under the category of durable dynasties that had been active since the Spanish or American colonial period until the post-war period, according to Teehankee. 

‘Erosion’ of Aquino narrative 

The Aquino dynasty has also turned dormant and is now teetering “dangerously close to becoming defunct,” the political analyst said. 

For the first time since 1986, when Cory Aquino was swept to power in the heady aftermath of the 1986 Edsa people’s revolt, none among the Aquinos is in elective office, he said. 

In 2016, when then President Simeon Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III left Malacañang, his cousin Paolo Benigno “Bam” Aquino IV was about to begin the second half of his term in the Senate (2016-2019). Bam lost a reelection bid in 2019. 

Since then, none has held a national position, although some of their relatives may have been elected to local positions in Malabon City. Their decline was hastened by the “erosion” of the Aquino narrative, Teehankee said. 

“The Aquino clan is the bearer of the Edsa narrative. And I think one of the reasons why they lost the sheen and support—the sheen of the brand and the support of the people—is that the public has gotten tired of the narrative,’’ he said. 

“In other words, for more than three decades under the post-Edsa regime, we have not reached the promise of development under a democratic system,’’ he added. 

Aquino was succeeded in Malacañang by Rodrigo Duterte, who birthed a dominant dynasty as a tough-talking, anticrime mayor of Davao City after the 1986 revolution. His daughter Sara is the country’s Vice President, while his son Sebastian is Davao City mayor and son Paolo is a congressman.     

Duterte is now facing charges for crimes against humanity before the International Criminal Court in The Hague, Netherlands, over his brutal crackdown on drugs that killed tens of thousands of suspects. 

“Then came what we call authoritarian nostalgia. ‘You told us that in a democracy, our lot will improve, and there will be order. But nothing happened. So, let’s go back to authoritarian, iron-fisted rule’,’’ Teehanke explained. 

The Aquino narrative was “eroded’’ by the Duterte narrative, which in turn “paved the way for the second coming of the Marcoses,” he added. 

“In the beginning the Dutertes served as John the Baptist in the second coming of the Marcos’ dynasty,’’ he said. Duterte allowed a hero’s burial for the elder Marcos at the Libingan ng mga Bayani in November 2016. 

In 2022, Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and Sara Duterte teamed up and captured the country’s top two positions. In 2024, they severed their ties over congressional inquiries into her alleged misuse of government confidential and intelligence funds. 

Political comeback 

But there’s more than meets the eye about the Aquinos’ political decline. 

After Cory Aquino’s term ended in 1992, immediate family members agreed not to rejoin politics, grandson Francis “Kiko” Aquino Dee explained. 

But then in 1998, Noynoy filed his candidacy for a congressional seat in Tarlac province. In private, his mother objected to his planned run, but later relented after years of back and forth on the matter, Dee said. 

None in the family saw Cory Aquino’s death in August 2009—and Noynoy’s successful run for the presidency in May 2010—coming.   

In 2016, at the end of Noynoy’s watch, the family agreed to return to being “private citizens’’ and focus on protecting the Aquino narrative from historical disinformation, according to Dee, executive director of the Ninoy and Cory Aquino Foundation. 

“If someone else outside the Ninoy-Cory line is running for public office, we can’t stop him or her. That’s their decision and we respect that,” he told PCIJ.  

Bam Aquino is running for senator in the May 12 elections. 

“I’m sure there will be an Aquino who will soon emerge. There will always be an Aquino in Philippine politics,” Teehankee said. “If Bam wins, they’re back.” 

The Aquinos trace their family line to patriarch Servillano Aquino, a Katipunero who fought in the revolution against Spain, rose to become a general, and served as delegate to the Malolos Congress in 1898. 

‘Failure of dynastic succession’ 

Like the Aquinos, the Osmeñas—whose patriarch, Sergio Osmeña, served as president from 1944 to 1946—have declined over the years and become politically dormant, according to Teehankee. 

Sergio Osmeña Jr. held various elected positions in Cebu, including governor and mayor, before serving in the Senate from 1966 to 1972. 

His son, Sergio Osmeña III, was also elected to the Senate, serving from 1995 to 2007 and again from 2010 to 2016. He later lost his Senate bids in both 2016 and 2019, and was recently “perpetually disqualified” from running for public office after failing to file his Statement of Contributions and Expenses in two consecutive elections. 

John Osmeña, a cousin of Sergio III, also served in the Senate for multiple terms: 1970–1972, 1987–1995, and 1998–2004. He capped his long political career by serving as mayor of Toledo City, Cebu, from 2013 to 2019. 

Sergio III’s brother, Tomas “Tommy” Osmeña, last served as mayor of Cebu City from 2016-2019, losing a reelection bid in 2019. His wife took a crack at reclaiming the post in 2022, with no success. 

Before the Garcias took power, Cebu had been the stomping ground of the Osmeñas. Now, no prominent clan member is in power.   

“It can be both overstaying in power and failure of dynastic succession,’’ Teehankee said of the Osmeñas. “They are a durable dynasty that has become dormant.” 

He agreed with observations that none of the children of brothers John and Lito, former Cebu governor, (now both deceased), and their cousins, brothers Sergio III and Tommy, had expressed interest in local politics.   

Yet another dominant dynasty—the Enriles—had also become dormant, but its most prominent member, Juan Ponce Enrile Sr., remained in government. 

Enrile Sr. completed his last term in the Senate in 2016, the same year his son Juan Ponce “Jack” Enrile Jr. lost a reelection bid in the House of Representatives after two terms.  

President Marcos Jr., however, tapped Enrile Sr. to be his chief presidential legal counsel in 2022, and then appointed his daughter Katrina Ponce Enrile as administrator and chief executive officer of the Cagayan Economic Zone Authority in 2023. 

“They’re dormant,” Teehankee said. “But they still have the resources and connection to make a comeback.” 

Dormant with political clout 

But for Danilo Arao, co-convenor of elections watchdog Kontra Daya, this has not diminished the Enriles’ political clout. 

“Of course elective positions are important for the dynasties, but you know being appointed is just as important. In fact, it can be crucial as they try to consolidate their power and influence,” Arao told PCIJ. 

Ma. Ela Atienza, political science professor at UP Diliman, agreed: “If we take a look at how influential they are, we can say that the posts they’re occupying are crucial, which they can use later on, if they’re still interested in returning to electoral competition.” 

From 1972 to 1981, then defense chief Enrile enforced martial law, but withdrew support from Marcos—along with then armed forces vice chief of staff Ramos—during the 1986 revolt. 

Teehankee cited other reasons why dynasties fade away: 

• They are challenged and defeated by another dynasty, like the Crisologos by the Singsons in Ilocos Sur. 

• They are defeated by a non-dynasty, like the Pinedas by priest Eduardo “Among Ed” Panlilio (governor, 2007-2010) in Pampanga; the Dys by Grace Padaca (governor, 2004-2010) in Isabela, and the Ecleos by Arlene “Kaka” Bag-ao (district representative, 2013-2019, and governor, 2019-2022) in Dinagat Islands.

• They are beset by intra-family competition such as the Binays in Makati, the Abayas and Aguinaldos in Cavite, among others.

• They have overstayed in power, or extended their political base just like the Estradas who were shut out from local and national positions in 2019. (Patriarch Joseph Estrada was elected San Juan mayor, senator, vice president and president, and then as Manila mayor.) 

Based on Teehankee’s research, there were 319 political families in 2019. Of these, 35 percent were durable, 39 percent dominant, 16 percent dormant, and 10 percent defunct.   

If a dynasty loses in two or more elections, it’s considered defunct. Any losses fewer than that make one dormant, he explained.  

The 2019 midterms was a watershed moment as it saw the defeat of more than 32 candidates from clans such as the Estradas, Eusebios, Rodriguezes, Ecleos, Floirendo-Lagdameos, Emanos, Duranos, Fariñases and Plazas, among others. 

But in 2022, the dynasties led by the “UniTeam” of the Marcos and Duterte clans managed to consolidate and regain their foothold. 

“Now that there’s a rift between the Marcoses and Dutertes, this provides a critical window of opportunity for reform-minded and progressive candidates to seize the moment and try to get the support of the people to oust these overstaying, fat, obese dynasties,” Teehankee said.

Read more: Meet the ‘obese’ political dynasties of the Philippines

The post Even the mightiest political dynasties fall silent—and fade away appeared first on CoverStory.

During the official launch of the Alyansa ng Nagkakaisang Mamamayan (ANIM) in Manila on Aug. 24, 2024, Baguio Mayor Benjamin Magalong declared that political dynasties will have no place in Baguio. 

“Iba kasi sa Baguio eh. Alam mo, ang Baguio, hindi talaga naniniwala sa political dynasty (Baguio is different. You know, in Baguio, people really don’t believe in political dynasties),” he said. 

“Very strong ang kanilang sentiments against political dynasty kaya walang nagkakaroon ng political dynasty (Their sentiments against political dynasties are very strong, which is why no political dynasty has taken root),” he added. 

ANIM is a multisectoral coalition advocating for key national issues, including the dismantling of political dynasties. 

Magalong’s remark came as political tension hung over Baguio like the August fog. Baguio Rep. Mark Go is currently serving his third and last consecutive term representing the city’s lone district. While it had been widely expected that his wife would run in his place, Go remained silent about his political plans. 

The filing of COC opened two months later. On Oct. 3, Soledad “Sol” Go filed her COC for Baguio representative, joined by five local candidates from the “Maka-Baguio Tayo” (MBT) team. 

Four days later, Representative Go also filed his candidacy for mayor with the rest of the “MBT” team, including his choice for vice mayor, Councilor Mylen Yaranon. 

Magalong filed for a third term as mayor after the Go couple. 

The city elections became even more eventful when, almost at the last hour of the final day of COC filing, Mauricio Domogan—a six-term mayor and three-term congressman—filed his candidacy for the district seat at the House of Representatives. 

In 2022, 80-year-old Domogan was defeated by Magalong in the mayoral race and many thought that he already sang his swan song. 

After the smoke cleared, there was a record number of candidates in both the mayoral and congressional races in Baguio. There are six candidates running for mayor including councilor Benny Bomogao and three other independents. 

Go and Domogan are running against five others, including former Rep. Nicasio Aliping, former vice mayor Gladys Vergara, lawyer Francis Camtugan and Councilor Isabelo Cosalan. 

“Vergara is the daughter of Bernardo Vergara, a longtime ally of Domogan. The two alternated in Baguio’s top posts for nearly three decades. Although Vergara has aligned herself with Magalong, the mayor chose Cosalan as his running mate under the Good Governance team. 

Magalong has since remained silent on the political dynasty issue, but Baguio political groups on Facebook and Reddit continue to discuss it. 

Representative Go also drew criticism after describing his and his wife’s candidacies as a form of “synergy.” It was a very hard decision, Go said upon filing, after weeks of indecision. 

Seeing a husband and wife run for office simultaneously is a first for Baguio voters, according to Karin Bangsoy, political science instructor at the University of the Philippines Baguio. 

Studies by Filipino political scientists have consistently described political dynasties using terms like “fat” and “thin.” The first refers to political families with several members occupying different positions in government at the same time. The latter refers to “singular positions being occupied by different family members at different times.” 

“The latter is not new in Baguio, which has seen the offspring of key political names also have their time in the spotlight. The former, however, is somewhat new for Baguio’s political consciousness, at least in recent memory. This may help to explain some of the backlash,” Bangsoy said. 

Despite the criticisms, political dynasties were not among the top concerns of the city’s youth population, based on a survey conducted at the start of the year. 

It showed that high cost of living (30%), traffic congestion (28%), poor public transportation (11%), unreliable water and energy supply (8%) and even fake news and apathy (5%) were their main concerns. The survey was conducted by the Baguio Youth for Good Governance. 

Magalong has pledged to address some of these concerns. He proposed a congestion fee to help ease traffic in the business district and pushed for the development of a mall in the city market—two projects that were rejected by the opposition, which now counts Go as an ally. 

It’s hard to say whether the May polls will serve as a referendum on how Baguio accepts or rejects political dynasties, but they could reshape the city’s political landscape. 

Read more: Cordillera’s cultural norms push back against political dynasties

The post Will Baguio voters open the door to a political dynasty? appeared first on CoverStory.

But the Cordillerans who joined the St. Louis Fair in Missouri in 1904 were the first to cast their votes. That being an election year in the United States, the Igorot people in the fair were made to place a bean in either one of two gangsa (gongs), which had the faces of Theodore Roosevelt and Alton B. Parker.

Most of the Cordillerans chose the eventual winner, the Republican Roosevelt, who won by a landslide across the United States.

Although the contest was just for show, it showed that the Cordillerans were, even then, outliers when it came to politics. It was the only region that resisted Spanish colonialism, keeping its indigenous political DNA more or less intact.

And while the country is now plagued by the issue of political dynasties, Cordillera remains largely rooted in its indigenous forms of governance with political dynasties as an experimentation of sorts.

Historical resistance to political dynasties

Kurt Zeus Lequit Dizon, a political science instructor at Saint Louis University in Baguio City, said there is a correlation between the colonizer’s political maneuvering or non-maneuvering and the region’s collective political upbringing.

“While some Spaniards collaborated with local elites or upper classes in the Cordillera, these elites never gained the level of economic dominance required to meet one of the key prerequisites of a modern political dynasty,” Dizon told the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ).

“On the other hand, the Americans made significant efforts to integrate the Cordillera into the broader Filipino society and have deeper collaboration with local elites than the Spaniards. However, by this time, it was too late for these elites to catch up with the already entrenched lowland dynasties, which had benefited from centuries of colonial spoil system and consolidation,” he added.

Indigenous peoples’ modes of governance, such as the tongtongan of Benguet, dap-ay in Mountain Province, and boding in Kalinga and Upper Abra, withstood or at least adapted to the Spanish, American, Filipino, or so-called lowlander political intrusion.

These indigenous governance structures are communal and participatory. They are headed mostly by older men, and the handling of the bodong or the peace pact and dispute resolution system is mostly passed to families.

In the Cordillera region, the transfer of elected positions within a single family across generations is not generally frowned upon. However, it can become contentious when multiple family members seek office at the same time, as seen in the current controversy in Baguio.

Karin Codiase Bangsoy, another young political science instructor at the University of the Philippines Baguio, said that the Cordillera cultural norms rather than the governing institutions have been more persuasive in limiting political dynasties in the region.

“The dap-ay, tongtongan, and bodong are community mechanisms for resolving disputes, preserving peace, and discussing salient issues within the locality. On the other hand, the rise of political dynasties are mostly functions of family or clan wealth and social prominence,” said Bangsoy.

“So, in the first place, these mechanisms may not be the main limiting factor for political dynasties in the central Cordillera. Cultural norms may be another factor; a much-quoted idea is ‘adi tako bokodan di gawis’ (Let us not keep the good for ourselves only), which may be one of those norms that work to keep entire families from holding office out of shame (bain or inayan),” she added.

“Adi tako bokodan di gawis” was adopted by Sagada town as its motto, emphasizing communal sharing with gawis having both the meaning of goodness and beauty. This phrase also leads to og-ogbo or mutual help, similar to bayanihan especially when it means heavy labor.

Og-ogbo also extends to campaigning, as candidates in Benguet towns often campaign together, allowing voters to compare their views and promises, and enabling the candidates to jointly contribute to the slaughter of a pig, which townspeople later partake in together.

Candidates in central Cordillera

In interior Cordillera—such as the provinces of Benguet, Ifugao, Mountain Province, and Kalinga—the old political names like the Cosalans, Dominguezes, and Lumauigs have ceased to be dominant.

Benguet

Only Nelson Dangwa, who is running for vice governor in Benguet, is the last holdout. The reign of the Dangwas began when the illustrious Bado Dangwa, the founder of Dangwa Bus, became governor from 1953 until 1963. Bado was replaced by his nephew Samuel, who was vice governor from 1972 until 1980 before becoming a representative from 1976 to 2010. His son Nelson was a reluctant successor, rising only to vice governor.

In the gubernatorial race, incumbent Gov. Melchor Diclas faces a challenge from his former vice governor, Johnny “Jowa” Waguis. Former Tublay mayor Ruben Paoad enters the race as a dark horse, while businessman George Punasen rounds out the four-way contest.

The congressional race is being closely watched this year, with incumbent Rep. Eric Go Yap going up against Vice Gov. Ericson “Tagel” Felipe. Both have fielded full slates at the provincial and municipal levels.

Yap, a former party list representative for ACT-CIS, became Benguet’s legislative caretaker in January 2020 when Rep. Nelson Fongwan died of an illness. Yap’s outsider status became an issue when he ran for a second term in 2022, but he won handily against Itogon Mayor Victorio Palangdan.

Yap’s brother, Edvic, succeeded him as representative of ACT-CIS and is now seeking re-election. If both win in the May elections, Benguet could play a part in solidifying the rise of the Yap political dynasty—one that, like the Tulfos and Sottos, does not necessarily rely on a provincial stronghold.

Yap’s battle with Felipe is a battle between influential leaders in the House of Representatives. Yap’s predecessor, Ronald Cosalan, became chair of the House committee on public works and highways. Yap himself became chair of the House committee on public appropriations in 2020.

In Baguio, the congressional and mayoral races are also being closely watched. Voters will decide whether to allow a husband and wife to occupy the city’s top posts.

Outgoing Rep. Mark Go is among the challengers to incumbent mayor Benjamin Magalong. His wife, Soledad Go, is seeking to succeed him as Baguio’s representative in the House of Representatives.

Ifugao

In Ifugao, the congressional race is a battle between contractors. Incumbent representative Solomon Chungalao, a grizzled lawyer, will be gunning for his last term against three public works contractors.

Valdoboyd Ngipol of the PDP-Laban party is the proprietor of Bodyrock Construction, Francis Cuyop (Partido Federal ng Pilipinas or PFP) is the proprietor of 3K Rock Engineering, and Nelson Ayoc (Independent) heads the NBA5 Architectural Design and Construction.

Prominently absent in the local elections is former Rep. Teddy Baguilat, who decided to become a party list candidate for Mamamayang Liberal.

In the gubernatorial race, incumbent Gov. Jerry Dalipog is running against former Gov. Eugene Balitang (PFP), Romy Ballatong (Independent), and Rolando Paligan (Independent).

For vice governor, Glenn Prudenciano is hoping to win his last term against Lagawe Mayor Martin Habawel Jr.

Mountain Province

In Mountain Province, Gov. Bonifacio Lacwasan is seeking a third term against former Sagada mayor Eduardo Latawan Jr. Incumbent Rep. Maximo Dalog Jr. is seeking reelection unopposed.

Most of those in the municipal level in these three Central Cordillera provinces are two-way contests, usually pitting the incumbent against a graduating councilor. Notable contests in Benguet include the capital town of La Trinidad, Bokod, and Tublay, where three to five candidates are vying for the post vacated by the retiring mayor.

Also interesting is Tuba, where the lone woman mayor in Benguet, Clarita Sal-ongan, is being challenged by four men.

In Ifugao, most are two-way contests at the municipal level except in Hungduan and Kiangan, where incumbent mayors Casan Dumulan and Raldis Bulayungan are seeking reelection uncontested.

Interesting races for mayor in Mountain Province include the capital town of Bontoc with incumbent Chadsen Tudlong running against former mayor Franklin Odsey and Eusebio Kabluyen; Sagada with incumbent Felicito Gula against Michael Conrad Aben and Joe Anthony Lalwet; and Paracelis with incumbent Marcos Ayangwa running against Randy Awisan. Mayors Constito Masweng of Tadian and Marcial Lawilaw Jr. of Sabangan are the only unopposed reelectionists in Mountain Province.

Kalinga

In Kalinga, it can be worth noting that among the governors, almost all were elected to only a single term except for Jocel Baac, who became governor from 2010 to 2019.

The province has 36 ili or tribal communities, autonomous and self-sustaining in governance, although, unlike a tribe, they have no single chieftain to submit to. Relationships among ili are made through the bodong, an agreement or treatise between two ilis. There are rules in these bodongs called the pagta, the fragile bond that binds an ili to the other. When a violation occurs and amends are not immediately made, the bodong ruptures, and a tribal war might ensue.

In barangay politics, many bodong holders were also elected as village captains. But in the larger arena, elected Kalingas are more often those with high educational backgrounds.

The spirit of the bodong insists that only one of the 32 ilis will dominate the politics in Kalinga.

Incumbent Gov. James Edduba will run against former Gov. Jocel Baac, the current vice governor.

Rep. Allen Jesse Mangaoang’s term will end in the congressional race, so three neophytes will try their hands: Caroline Agyao (PFP), Sacrament Gumilab (Independent), and Steve Ludan (Nationalist People’s Coalition). Four candidates will also try to replace Baac for vice governor.

Tabuk City will only have one mayoral candidate: incumbent Mayor Darwin Estranero. Of the seven towns, only Tanudan’s mayoral race has been decided, with Jaedicke Rhoiss Dagadag as the lone candidate. The rest are one-on-one fights except in Pinukpuk, which has four. Only Pasil has a female mayoral candidate in Kalinga.

Neighbors of Ilocos

In Apayao and Abra, two Cordillera provinces neighboring the Ilocos region, dynastic politics has taken deeper hold.

Apayao

When that fragile hyphen still united Kalinga and Apayao, they were still part of Region II together with Ifugao. Their brand of politics in the top level was also Ilocano.

In 1954, then President Ramon Magsaysay established the National Resettlement and Rehabilitation Administration (Narra) to resettle dissidents and landless farmers. The Ilocanos took advantage of the program, and many settled in sparsely populated Kalinga-Apayao.

The representative of the hyphenated province before martial law was Felipe B. Almazan, who originally came from Bantay, Ilocos Sur. During the regular Batasang Pambansa from 1984 to 1986, the province was represented by David M. Puzon, who was assassinated in November 1986 just outside Manila.

He was replaced by William Claver, a migrant from Mountain Province whose politics was progressive. In 1992, Elias K. Bulut, a former schoolteacher and mayor of Calanasan, replaced Claver as congressman. On Valentine’s Day of 1995, Kalinga and Apayao separated.

Ranel Ram Cheng’s 2018 paper, “Political Dynasties, and Province Creation” describes this separation as “legislative-led gerrymandering.”

“What is clear, however, is that political dynasties were able to maneuver through constraints set in place by the Local Government Code of 1991 that were supposedly crafted in the era of decentralization as democratization. To an extent, the creation of new provinces did allow the entry of new political players in these new jurisdictions, but as is often the case, they were most likely to be new dynastic clans themselves,” Cheng said.

As for Apayao, he added: “The division of the former Kalinga-Apayao province, whose capital was located in the sub-province of Kalinga, was too far from the hometown of the Bulut clan, whose influence largely centered in the Apayao area. In establishing two separate provinces, they became among the few clans who held long uninterrupted rule over both the governorship and congressional seat, by rotating these positions among three family members only.”

Elias Kirtug Bulut, the patriarch, was mayor of Calanasan prior to that and then became either governor or congressman for 20 years until he died in 2015. He had been swapping positions with his son, Elias Jr. or Butzy. Upon the elder Bulut’s death, the son changed positions with his sister, Dr. Eleanor Bulut-Begtang.

This time, Elias Jr. will run for his last term as governor against another unknown, Domingo Purieng. daughter Kyle will have no opponent as vice governor. Dr. Begtang is also running uncontested as a congresswoman. Elias Jr.’s brother Shamir is running unopposed as Calanasan mayor.

Also running unopposed in the mayoral race in Apayao are Bensmar Ligwang in Kabugao town and Evelyn Martinez in Sta. Marcela. The others are one-on-one fights for mayor, with one woman, Jessica de San Jose, running in Flora. The De San Joses have also been ruling their town for decades.

Abra

Abra also has bodong, but most are in the upland Tingguian areas. Bodong galvanized resistance against the Chico River Dam construction and the Cellophil Resources Corp. in Kalinga and Upper Abra in the 1970s. Still, overall, the politics of Abra is patterned after those of the neighboring Ilocos region.

“The sociocultural landscape of the Cordillera also plays a significant role in explaining why Abra and Apayao only have provincial-level dynasties. Looking into the recent Abra demographics, Abra is dominated by Ilocanos and succeeded by Itnegs, while the Isnegs dominate Apayao,” said Dizon of SLU.

“Unlike with Benguet, Ifugao, Kalinga, and Mt Province, these provinces are characterized by diverse ethnolinguistic subcultural groups and clan system politics, which does not allow for the same level of political consolidation seen in more homogenous areas such as in Apayao, Abra, or the lowlands. This fragmentation has limited the rise of dominant provincial-level political families,” he added.

Abra, which has the most extended participation in national politics among the other Cordillera provinces, was always dominated by Ilocano families like the Villamors, Ortegas, Purugganans, Zapatas, Paredeses, Barberos, Bersamins and Valeras.

In 2006, Vicente “Vicsyd” Paredes Valera was governor, while his cousin, Luis “Chito” Purugganan Bersamin Jr., was the congressman. Valera had been governor after the Edsa Revolution in 1986, while Bersamin was just in his first term after being mayor of the capital town of Bangued.

But in December 2006, Bersamin was assassinated in a church in Quezon City. Earlier on Jan. 13, 2006, La Paz Mayor Ysrael Bernos was assassinated in his hometown allegedly by his vice mayor. The young Bernos was then the head of the opposition in Abra. He was also the best friend of Victor Rodriguez, who would later become the executive secretary of President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. Later, Rodriguez was replaced by Bersamin’s brother, former Chief Justice Lucas Bersamin.

Almost 10 years later, in 2016, Valera was sentenced for masterminding Bersamin’s murder. Freddie Dupo, the La Paz mayor who was also the main suspect in the killing of Bernos, became a state witness and said that it was Valera who ordered Bersamin’s killing.

With the fall of Valera, the opposition began to rule Abra. Bersamin’s brother Eustaquio became the governor, while another oppositionist, Lagayan Mayor Cecelia Luna, became the representative.

Another Valera (although unrelated), Dominic Valera, then the mayor of Bangued, would replace Eustaquio Bersamin as governor. While Dominic Valera’s daughter and the widow of Ysrael Bernos, Joy Bernos, would become the representative.

Later, Ysrael’s brother, Joseph Sto. Nino “JB” Bernos, who was La Paz mayor, would replace Joy in 2016.

Eventually, with his close ties to the Dutertes, JB Bernos would become the province’s political kingpin. In 2022, he would relinquish his seat as the Abra representative to his wife, Menchie, and return as mayor of La Paz. He would become the president of the League of Municipalities of the Philippines.

Abra is the outlier in the region. While most Cordillera provinces resist dynastic rule, it is home to what political science instructor Karin Bangsoy calls a “fat dynasty.”

“In political science, fat dynasties refer to multiple people from the same family occupying different positions all at once,” she said.

“In 2016, less than half, or 32%, of elected politicians in Abra are considered fat dynastic,” said Inclusive Democracy Research. The most common surnames from governor to vice mayor are Valera and Barona, with five, followed by Bernos, Balao-as, and Seares, with four. Seven surnames had three.

The only Cordillera province “fatter” than Abra is Apayao, with 36 percent considered fat dynastic.

In 2022, in Abra, PCIJ counted six Bernoses, three Valeras, and three Crisologos. Eight towns have mayors and vice mayors with the same surnames, most of them couples.

For 2025, JB Bernos has aligned with former governor Eustaquio “Takit” Bersamin and his niece, former board member Anne Bersamin, who are running for the gubernatorial and vice gubernatorial seats.

The Bersamins are challenging JB Bernos’ sister-in-law and Ysrael’s widow, Jocelyn “Joy” Valera-Bernos, and her son, Bangued Vice Mayor Kiko, in the vice gubernatorial and gubernatorial races, respectively.

Dominic Valera plans to return as Bangued mayor, while his wife Mila is running for the province’s lone congressional seat against JB Bernos.

The rest of the province is almost the same. However, interestingly, there are four towns where the uncontested candidate for mayor is a woman. These are Daguioman (Yang-yang Padilla), Danglas (Esther Bernos, JB’s mother), La Paz (Nina Bernos, JB Bernos’ daughter), and Langiden (Izel Palecpec).

Boliney (Ronald Balao-as) and San Juan (Ari Bautista) are the other towns with lone candidates.

Another JB Bernos’ daughter is Jaja, who is running for mayor of Bucay against Jay Go.

Female candidates for mayor are running in Lacub, Lagangilang, Penarrubia, Pidigan, Pilar, San Isidro, Tayum, Tubo, and Villaviciosa.

Bangued, Bucay, Pilar, Pidigan, and Tineg are seen as hotspots, where Edwin Crisologo will be battling Lenin Benwaren for mayor.

Low women participation

Male dominance in leadership roles remains a reality in indigenous communities in the Philippines, and the Cordillera is an example.

According to PCIJ’s estimates, women make up less than 20% of candidates for elective positions in these four provinces.

Benguet has the fewest, with only 42 female candidates from governor to vice mayor out of 356, or 11.8 percent. No woman ran for any position in Mankayan, while there was one each in Bakun and Sablan.

Baguio has nine women running out of 57 candidates, or 15.8%.

Mountain Province has only 32 women candidates out of 267, or 12%. There were no women candidates in Sabangan, while there were only two in Barlig.

Ifugao has 45 women from the 279 total candidates, or 16%. One woman is running in Hingyon, and two each in Alfonso Lista and Asipulo.

There were 31 women among 175 candidates, or 17.7%, in Kalinga. One woman candidate was in Rizal town, and two each in Tanudan and Tinglayan.

The two “fat dynastic” provinces of Abra and Apayao have more women candidates.

Abra has the most candidates running in 2025, with 519. Of these, 113 are women or 21.77%. More than 25% of all Apayao candidates, or 30 out of 119, are women, and Cordillera provinces have the highest number of women.

Overall, the Cordillera has 302 women running out of the 1,772 candidates, or 17% of all candidates.

Political analyst Karin Bangsoy said male dominance in leadership roles is a reality not only in the Cordillera but across the Philippines, driven by several factors rooted in pervasive misogyny in the public consciousness, she said.

“Insofar as the dap-ay, tongtongan, and bodong are community mechanisms for resolving disputes, preserving peace, and discussing salient community issues, these are not necessarily limiting mechanisms for women in political office,” she said.

Despite the dominance of men in elected positions, Bangsoy said many Cordilleran women continue to lead both within and outside government.

“The Cordillera has several government line agencies staffed and headed by competent women bureaucrats. The region also has a number of active women’s organizations in our civil society, from barangay women’s associations to mass movements. Women’s empowerment as a political project is not limited to political office,” she said.

Read more: There’s a treasure trove where indigenous music, culture and history meet

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“They have their work cut out for them,” Lacierda said of the President’s communicators in a phone interview on March 5. He said presidential spokespersons have to “fight fire with fire.” 

Now leading the Presidential Communications Office (PCO) are Secretary Jay Ruiz, a seasoned broadcast journalist, and Undersecretary Claire Castro, a lawyer and vlogger who used to be a TV personality.

Ruiz is the fourth PCO secretary after Cesar Chavez, Cheloy Garafil, and Trixie Cruz-Angeles.

Since being sworn in about two weeks ago, Ruiz and Castro have made clear a task other than to communicate to the public the President’s programs and policies: to fight the fake news hounding the almost-four-year-old administration, which became intense following the fallout between Mr. Marcos Jr. and Vice President Sara Duterte.

Speaking to CoverStory.ph, Lacierda said he is glad that the President now has a spokesperson in Ruiz or Castro, adding that he has been puzzled by Mr. Marcos Jr.’s reluctance to assign one early in his administration.

“[As president] what you lose is your time with people and how often you will be heard. Spokespersons are there to be your proxies, so your message, your voice, will be heard by the people through daily briefings,” Lacierda said. “After the President, the spokesperson is the most heard and seen Cabinet official. It’s not because they are on television and radio regularly.” 

Lacierda recalled a “funny story” during the Noynoy Aquino administration where, he said, militant groups would burn three effigies in their protest rallies—those of the President, Budget Secretary Butch Abad, and himself.

“Even the progressives would burn an effigy of me because I was visible [in the public eye],” he said.

Now the CEO of a private financial technology company, Lacierda said the new-generation workforce would now come up to him to say they did not know he had served as a presidential spokesperson, but that they remember him and his deputy spokesperson, Abigail Valte, for their Twitter posts back then announcing class suspensions in schools. 

“So we were the bearer of the news,” he said.

‘Unfettered’ access

Lacierda underscored the power of social media in communicating Malacañang’s messages to the people, as it would, he said, “de-load the burden of the President in imparting his mind and voice to the media.”

He underscored as well the importance of a spokesperson having “unfettered” access to the President, or else be useless in the job.

“You can’t get your information secondhand,” he said, adding that one of the reasons Aquino made him a Cabinet-level secretary was for him to have access to his peers in the Cabinet and to be present in top-level meetings. 

As presidential spokesperson, Lacierda said, he made sure not to present his opinion in matters involving the then President and the administration. He said he would ask Aquino and Cabinet officials for their views on the issues raised in the media, and that he had never replied to media queries without guidance.

“If I gave answers to the media, these came from the President,” he said. “I was the voice of the President because I would relay his mindset to the media.”

On Castro’s statement that she and Ruiz are messengers of President Marcos Jr., which she made in response to Harry Roque’s own statement that as spokesperson, he was a salesman of then President Rodrigo Duterte, Lacierda said both of them are right to say so.

“I am also a messenger because I speak the mind of the President,” he said. “To a certain degree, spokespersons are also salesmen of the President because we sell to the people what the President’s sentiments and views are on the matter. You tell them, but not in a mercantile way…”

“Remember,” he added, “the media is not our final audit. It’s the people.”

Fighting trolls

Battling fake news and trolls was nothing new during Noynoy Aquino’s administration, according to Lacierda. He said he and his colleagues also had to contend with them even during the 2010 presidential campaign.

He cited as an example the release of fake reports that Aquino was psychologically unfit to be president, and how they rebutted these with the help of a “quick-response team.” 

“Now and during our time, technology has become a way to scale up further disinformation…” Lacierda said. “There are tools that scale up misinformation…[but they also] can scale up the propagation of truth and information.” 

Disinformation has become “harder [to fight] right now because social media has become widespread. So how do you fight disinformation? You have to build your team,” he said. 

Lacierda observed the current prevalence of fake news, with the Marcos Jr. administration, the Cabinet, and the President himself at the receiving end. The PCO “really has to scale up its defenses,” he said, adding he is sure that Ruiz is building his own team.

Last week, Executive Secretary Lucas Bersamin issued an executive order asking for the “unqualified courtesy resignations” of the President’s appointees in the PCO and its attached agencies as well as state-run firms to allow Ruiz a free hand in “performing his duties and functions.”

Now ‘an industry’

But trolls thrived in 2016 when fake news spread on Facebook and other platforms on social media, he said, and now “it’s an industry.”

He said the challenge for presidential spokespersons now is for them to “think (their) thoughts well” and “have a small margin of error” when speaking, especially now when there is “an evil intent of trolls to spin [issues] negatively.”

“For a spokesperson, do due diligence before you say something,” he said. “It’s hard if you always make a mistake in your statements.”

Lacierda noted the recent “misalignment” in the statements of Ruiz and Castro about an online report alleging that the new PCO chief is co-owner of Digital8 that, along with IBC-13, secured a P260-million contract with the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office, sparking questions of conflict of interest. 

When asked whether Ruiz had divested his shares in Digital8, Castro replied that as far as she knew, he was in the process of doing so as the law provides that divestment of shares should be made within 60 days from the time an official assumes his position. But Ruiz denied being co-owner, and his office later said he was merely a company representative to the deal and resigned the post before his appointment to the PCO.

“Sometimes, some of the media questions are general, and you need to answer specifically, or to qualify your statements,” Lacierda said of the incident. If he had been in Castro’s shoes, he said, he would have told reporters that he had not spoken to Ruiz on the ownership of Digital8, and added, “Let me get back to you.”

‘Attack dog’ 

On Castro’s seeming adversarial way of replying to Duterte’s criticisms of the President, Lacierda said it is her call to do so. “Her mandate is to fight fake news, and she did,” he said.

Castro was branded by some quarters as the administration’s “attack dog” after she clapped back on Duterte for accusing the President of veering toward dictatorship and having no plans to step down at the end of his term in 2028.

She denied being an attack dog. In reply to Duterte’s accusation that his successor is turning out to be like his father and namesake, the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr., she said Duterte is known to sow intrigue. Later, she clarified that that statement was her own and not the Palace’s position. Still, she said, she would continue to rebut fake news and “intrigues that make sense” and ignore those that do not make sense at all.

According to Lacierda, “politically fighting fake news brings the fight to the other side.”

“It’s a message to those spreading fake news that we are not taking it quietly,” he said. “We are going to fight fire with fire.”

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Judy Taguiwalo, unionist, professor, social worker, and ex-detainee, recalled her experiences on Feb. 24, the eve of protest marches scheduled nationwide to commemorate the 39th anniversary of the Edsa People Power Revolution in 1986 that drew worldwide admiration for Filipinos. 

Malacañang has removed Feb. 25 from the list of national holidays and declared it a “special working holiday,” but certain schools including those belonging to the Edsor Consortium (Immaculate Conception Academy, La Salle Green Hills, Saint Pedro Poveda College, and Xavier School), the University of Santo Tomas, and, belatedly, the University of the Philippines (UP), have suspended classes today.

“Recognizing our responsibility as educational institutions, we remain committed to preserving the relevance of the Edsa People Power Revolution, particularly for our current and future generations of students. We will continue to keep the spirit of Edsa alive despite active efforts to undermine it,” Xavier School said in a statement posted online. 

Twice arrested   

In an interview with CoverStory interns at UP Diliman, Taguiwalo said she was unjustly arrested twice during martial law while fighting for the rights of workers and farmers. During her first imprisonment in Iloilo in 1973, she said, she was subjected to inhumane methods of interrogation, survived the ordeal, and eventually escaped. 

She was pregnant when she was arrested for the second time, and delivered her child in Camp Crame, the police command’s main headquarters, in 1984. She regained her freedom on March 1, 1986, not by escaping, but by virtue of the Edsa uprising that toppled the dictatorship and liberated Filipinos from tyranny. 

Still, justice is elusive even to this day, Taguiwalo said. According to Amnesty International, 70,000 were arrested during martial law, 34,000 were tortured, 3,240 were summarily killed, and 1,000 were victims of enforced disappearance. 

Many cases remain unresolved and the justice landscape has been largely unchanged, reflecting the long culture of impunity in the Philippines, said Taguiwalo, now 75 and retired from teaching at UP Diliman.

“No major change has really taken place after Marcos Sr. was ousted,” Taguiwalo said in Filipino. “We were able to oust a dictator, but there were no major reforms to address the economic issues of the poor, to end the notion that governance is only for the elite, to end cronyism and foreign dominance of the country…We did not change these.” 

Taguiwalo also said issues that need urgent national attention are being blocked, like holding Vice President Sara Duterte, who has been impeached by the House of Representatives, accountable for her questionable expenditure of confidential funds. 

Youth’s role

But Taguiwalo hopes that the youth will continue to fulfill their civic duties. “I am looking forward to seeing the continuation of the historical role of the youth in asserting change, in standing up against tyranny, and in uniting the majority of our people,” she said.

She also raised the constant calls to stop impunity, to convict Sara Duterte, to hold her father, former president Rodrigo Duterte, as well as the Marcoses, accountable for the crimes attributed to them, and to change the system. “Sobra na, tama na. Convict Sara. Panagutin si Duterte. Marcos singilin. Kailangan na ng pagbabago ng sistema. Because the roots of discontent are really the massive poverty and oppression of our people,” she said. 

Yet the late dictator is buried at the cemetery for heroes. It was then President Duterte who allowed the burial of his remains at the Libingan ng mga Bayani in 2016.  

Taguiwalo said Malacañang’s declaration of Feb. 25 as a special working holiday is a clear attempt to sanitize the late dictator’s image.

“There it goes again, historical revisionism,” she said. “President Marcos Jr. removed Feb. 25 as a public holiday that marks the collective struggle of the people to oust the dictator, his father. He does not want the story told.”  

She said that had it not been for the initiatives of UP students and faculty regent, the UP system would not have declared Feb. 25 as a special nonworking holiday for students, teachers, and personnel.

“[The UP admin] is afraid of Malacañang,” she said. “PUP (Polytechnic University of the Philippines) has no declaration, so the student regent is calling for the holding of classes in the streets on Feb. 25. Edsa will be the classroom.” 

According to Taguiwalo, while fewer gunshots are being fired in plain sight these days, subtle forms of martial law are being seen in schools and communities, such as the curtailment of student press freedom, the holding of symposiums where activists are branded as rebels, Red-tagging, and the commercialization of academic spaces.

These occurrences, she said, resemble human rights abuses during Marcos Sr.’s martial rule.

Raymond Aldo M. Mina, a fourth-year journalism student at Bicol University College of Arts and Letters, is an intern at CoverStory.ph.

The post Genuine reform still nowhere 39 years after Edsa, says ex-detainee Judy Taguiwalo appeared first on CoverStory.

The son and co-accused of the pork barrel scam mastermind Janet Lim Napoles is the No. 1 nominee of Kaunlad Pinoy, one among 156 party list groups vying for seats in the House of Representatives in the May 12 elections.

House Speaker Martin Romualdez’s son Andrew Julian Romualdez is the top nominee of Tingog Sinirangan. Tingog’s sixth nominee is the Speaker’s wife Yedda Marie, its incumbent representative in the chamber.

Before Sen. Grace Poe ends her term in June, her son Brian Daniel Poe Llamanzares will take a crack at a House seat as the No. 1 nominee of FPJ Panday Bayanihan, named after her father, the late action-movie star Fernando Poe Jr.

This is what the party list system has become.

‘Hijacking’ the race

Some party list groups have nominees charged in court with corruption, or are tied to political clans, according to the election watchdog Kontra Daya.

Of the 156 party list groups, 86 have been flagged by Kontra Daya for “hijacking” the race. These include 40 that are tied to a dynasty, 25 to big business, and 18 to the police and military, and 11 with dubious advocacy, seven whose nominees have corruption cases, and nine with insufficient information.

This means that 55.13%, or more than half of the party list groups, do not represent the marginalized and underrepresented sectors, Kontra Daya said.

“If you look at it historically, the party list system, which is supposed to protect the marginalized, ends up marginalizing the already marginalized,” Kontra Daya convenor Danilo Arao said in a recent forum at the College of Media and Communication, University of the Philippines Diliman.

Arao recalled that the system engendered an “awkward situation” in 2019, when 1-Pacman party list Rep. Mikey Romero and Kabataan party list Rep. Sara Elago stood as the wealthiest and poorest members of the House.  

At present, 4PS, which advocates for poverty alleviation, is leading pre-election surveys. Its No. 1 nominee is House Minority Leader Marcelino Libanan, who was also implicated in the pork barrel scam except that the case against him was dismissed.

Its second nominee is Jonathan Clement Abalos II, a nephew of former interior secretary and now senatorial candidate Benhur Abalos.

Its third nominee is Edward T. Cigres, director of Pai Li Holdings Inc., which is reportedly owned by Michael Yang, the controversial economic adviser of then President Rodrigo Duterte.  

“Ok, [they’re] leading, but you can’t deny the fact that their advocacy is very dubious. Their name alone will spark doubts,” Arao said. “It’s known that the Abaloses are behind this.”  

Other party list groups have links to big business. For example, Pacifico Discaya, the second nominee of Pinoy Ako, is the owner of St. Timothy Construction Corp. (STCC).

The construction company is part of a joint venture that forged a P17.9-billion deal with the Commission on Elections (Comelec) in March 2024 to automate this year’s midterms. The joint venture also included Miru Systems and Centerpoint Solutions Technologies.

STCC backed out of the joint venture in September 2024 after Discaya’s wife Sarah, who is running for mayor in Pasig City, was threatened with disqualification by the Comelec.  

“The people deserve to know that kind of information. Do they have the right to run?” Arao said, adding:

“Well, if you’re part of the marginalized and the underrepresented, [running] would be good. But remember, that’s St. Timothy Construction Corp. We’re not just talking here of millions of pesos, but of billions of pesos. They are part of big business.”  

Still others such as Duterte Youth, have ties to either the police or the military, or have dubious advocacies, according to Kontra Daya.   

In the previous election, seven out of 10 party list groups did not represent the marginalized sector. But this year’s lower figures should not be cause for celebration. 

“Does it mean that things are getting better now? No,” Arao said. “The numbers really don’t matter because whether it’s 55%, 70%, 80%, or 90%, it’s still a sizable number.”

“We have to denounce the recurring hijacking,” he said. 

Pushing for reform

According to Arao, Kontra Daya is pushing for pending bills in Congress to reform the party list system. It is not pushing to abolish the system, which would only further “entrench the elite and powerful” in the House, he said. 

It’s an uphill battle, “but the bottom line is, we have to push for it,” Arao said, adding that strong public pressure on lawmakers might do the trick.

In case this fails, Arao said, Kontra Daya is also open to challenging the Supreme Court’s landmark ruling in 2013 declaring that political parties do not have to represent the marginalized sector to join the party list race.

He said empirical data would show that the outcome of the high court’s ruling was the “bastardization” of the party list system to the disadvantage of the marginalized sectors.

“In fact, we’ve had conversations about it for the longest time, as far back as 2019. I guess right now, there are no more excuses. We will not commit to doing so, but we’re very open [to the idea],” he said. 

Added Natalie Pulvinar, executive director of the Center for People Empowerment in Governance: “Maybe we can ask our colleagues in the legal profession to help us out on how to go about it fast.”

Read more: Political dynasties also swarm the party list elections

The post This is the state of the party list system appeared first on CoverStory.

Only four senatorial candidates accounted for 60% of the total amount, raising concerns among electoral reform advocates about the advantage wealthy and well-connected candidates have in winning elections in the country.

Las Piñas Rep. Camille Villar, daughter of the country’s richest man according to Forbes, outspent all her rivals. She aired ads worth P2.1 billion before discounts.

Villar was followed by President Marcos Jr.’s sister reelectionist Sen. Imee Marcos with P1.9 billion worth of ads, Makati Mayor Abigail Binay with P1.29 billion, and another reelectionist senator, Francis Tolentino, P1 billion.

“The important question to ask candidates is why they are spending such huge amounts of money,” said former Commission on Elections (Comelec) Commissioner Luie Tito Guia.

Guia’s concern was echoed by Angel “Lito” Averia Jr., national chair of the National Citizens’ Movement for Free Elections (Namfrel). “What is the ROI (return of investment)? How will they recoup the cost? We don’t know. We know there’s a big controversy over the 2025 national budget,” Averia told the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ). 

Experts have always described the senatorial race as “personality-based” or “celebrity-based” elections. In the “game of name recall,” Filipinos vote for the names they can remember when they troop to voting precincts on election day, they said.

Villar, Marcos and Binay ranked in the bottom half of the “Magic 12” in pre-election senatorial surveys. They are members of the country’s most enduring political dynasties but they are now fighting to keep their place in the winning circle against media celebrities leading the polls despite little to zero spending on ads so far. 

Former broadcaster and ACT-CIS party-list Rep. Erwin Tulfo and former Senate president and TV show host Vicente “Tito” Sotto III topped the latest Social Weather Stations and Pulse Asia surveys. 

All this ad spending occurred before the kick-off of the campaign period for national candidates last Tuesday, Feb. 11. 

Guia said it underscores the rising cost of elections in the country, which has limited opportunities for qualified candidates without access to resources. 

“They are spending before the campaign period even begins. What is the total amount that candidates spend to get elected to office? We need to know that,” Guia said. 

Three other senatorial candidates recorded airing ads worth at least P500 million each. Former interior secretary Benhur Abalos and reelectionist Senators Ramon “Bong” Revilla Jr. and Ronald “Bato” Dela Rosa accounted for another 17% of the amount. 

The remaining 23% was distributed among nearly 200 candidates in Senate, party list and local elections. 

“We saw the proliferation of tarpaulins after the filing of COCs (certificates of candidacy). It’s tarp pollution. We just came from the BARMM (Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao). We saw the tarps of Sen. Imee Marcos on our way from Cotabato to Marawi,” said Averia. 

The amounts were based on the total ad spots multiplied by the published cost of the individual spots, which varied depending on the timeslot. 

Discounts were likely given to the candidates’ teams but the PCIJ does not have access to the contracts. Candidates are also not obligated to disclose spending before the campaign period.  

“It’s not the exact amount but it is indicative of the level of expenses. … Qualitatively, it shows the influence of money in politics,” said Guia. 

Averia said candidates should observe “ethical” campaigning. Heavy ad spending is “not illegal, but is it moral?” he said.

Daily average of 171 TV ads

TV accounted for most of the ad spending—P9.3 billion before discounts. AllTV, GMA Channel 7, Kapamilya Channel and A2Z aired more than half of the total TV spots.

The ad spending of candidates on TV accelerated after the filing of COCs in October last year. The last three months of the year accounted for over P6 billion before discounts or 60% of total spending in the entire year. 

In December alone, when Filipinos were expected to stay at home for the holiday break, a daily average of 171 television ads aired, based on PCIJ’s analysis of the data. A total of 5,327 TV ads aired that month, amounting to over P3.37 billion before discounts.

Radio accounted for almost P1 billion of the total amount before discounts. Villar and Marcos topped spending on the platform, followed by Ilocos Sur politician Luis “Chavit” Singson, who has since withdrawn from the race. 

Outdoor ads accounted for P200 million of spending and print ads, P40 million. The top spender in billboard ads, Agri Party List Rep. Wilbert Lee, has also withdrawn from the race. 

Data from Nielsen Ad intel does not include spending on social media, which analysts said has also been significant already. It also does not take into account the cost of producing these ads or other costs of preparations, including maintaining headquarters, allowances, and transportation of staff.

Survey topnotcher Tulfo airs ads, too 

Almost all senatorial race survey leaders have aired ads after the filing of COCs, including topnotcher Erwin Tulfo, who seeks to join his brother, Sen. Raffy Tulfo, in the upper legislative chamber.  

Erwin Tulfo was a popular broadcaster and social media celebrity before he was elected representative of ACT-CIS party-list group in the House of Representatives. 

He aired ads worth P291 million in December to promote his party-list group, Anti-Crime and Terrorism Community Involvement and Support Partylist or ACT-CIS. The group that secured three seats in the previous elections fielded Sen. Raffy’s wife Jocelyn as its second nominee.

A third possible Tulfo in the Senate, Ben Tulfo, aired TV ads worth P4.5 million in December. If he wins in May, there will be three Tulfos in the Senate.  

Dela Rosa ramped up advertising in November and December, too. He aired ads worth P500 million in the two months.  

His spending surpassed early ad spender reelectionist Sen. Christopher Lawrence “Bong” Go, his fellow reelectionist allied with former President Rodrigo Duterte, a former ally turned adversary of the Marcos administration. 

Dela Rosa and Go are two of four candidates in the “Magic 12” winning circle who do not belong to the Marcos’ senatorial ticket. The other two are broadcaster Ben Tulfo and TV host Willie Revillame. 

The winners in the Senate race in May are likely to sit as judges when the legislative chamber convenes as an impeachment court against impeached Vice President Sara Duterte, the former president’s daughter.  

Senate President Francis Escudeo said the trial may start after the President’s State of the Nation Address in July.  

Revillame is one of two leading senatorial candidates who have not recorded spending on TV, radio, billboard, and print ads as of December 2024.  

The other one is returning senator Panfilo “Ping” Lacson although the former national police chief has appeared in a TV ad of the administration ticket that aired in January, which is not covered by the latest data released by Nilsen.

Sotto only recorded spending P88,788 for print ads in January and May 2024. 

Party-list groups, too 

ACT-CIS outspent all its rivals in the party list race. The group’s ads with Erwin Tulfo were worth more than P291 million before discounts. It was followed by Bangon Bagong Minero (BBM) with almost P100 million.  

Three other groups aired ads worth P40 million to P50 million. These are 1-Pacman Party List, Ahon Mahirap Party List, and Vendors Party List.  

Tupad’ ads were worth almost P30 million; Talino at Galing Pinoy, almost P20 million; and Nanay and Apat Dapat, at least P10 million. 

ACT CIS is one of two party list groups led by the Tulfos, among the country’s newest political dynasties. Turismo Isulong Mo Party List group, whose ads were worth P2.6 million, is led by former tourism secretary Wanda Teo, the sister of Raffy and Erwin Tulfo. Wanda’s son Robert Wren Tulfo-Teo is running as a nominee. 

Quezon City Rep. Ralph Tulfo Jr., son of Senator Raffy and Representative Jocelyn, will also seek reelection. If they all win, there will be three Tulfos in the Senate and four Tulfos in the House.

Finally, ad limits 

It’s “ironic” and “laughable” that the excessive spending of senatorial and party-list nominees will now have to stop as the Philippines entered on Feb. 11, the official campaign period for the two positions, Guia told the PCIJ.  

“Saan ka ba naman nakakita ng legal framework ng elections na pinapayagan niyang mag-campaign ng walang limitation ang mga kandito outside of the campaign period. Ngayon, covered na sila ng rules, at therefore, limited na ang kanilang pangangampanya during the campaign period. Ibang klase,” he said.  

(Where else have you seen an election legal framework that allows candidates to campaign without limitations outside the official campaign period? Now, they are covered by the rules, and therefore, their campaigning is limited during the campaign period. Unbelievable.) 

The Omnibus Election Code allows senatorial and party list groups to spend P3 per registered voter. With over 68 million voters, this amounts to P205 million. Independent candidates or those without parties may spend P5 per voter. Political parties may spend P5 per voter or P343 million.  

Candidates are also limited to 120 minutes of ads per TV station. This 120-minute limit was previously imposed on all TV stations.  

On social media, the Comelec said it will require candidates to report online endorsements by celebrities. 

After the elections, candidates will file a statement of contributions and expenditures or SOCE covering donations and expenses during the campaign period. All previous spending will not be reported, however. 

Guia and Averia called for practical and appropriate laws. “One thing we should push for election reform is to define who becomes a candidate. Para hindi inaabuso. The person aspiring for an elective post should be a candidate on the day he filed his COC,” Averia said.  

Guia said spending limits have been in place because of the inherent inequality in political opportunities in the Philippines. “But if limits cannot be imposed, it should be mandatory for all aspirants to declare their spending,” he said.

Read more: Candidates aired P4B worth of TV, radio ads before filing

The post Even before campaign period, TV, radio ads of candidates exceeded P10B before discounts appeared first on CoverStory.

As early as January last year, Sen. Imee Marcos already aired 271 TV and radio ad spots worth P21 million based on published rate cards or before discounts.

Every month after, President Marcos Jr.’s sister appeared on Filipino voters’ TV screens and spoke in radios across the country. She gradually increased the number of her advertisements until she reached 1,145 ad spots worth P303 million in September alone.

Her political ads from January to September 2024 amounted to P1 billion based on rate cards, according to data obtained by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) from Nielsen Ad Intel.

The amount is staggering, Jean Encinas Franco, an associate professor at the University of the Philippines’ Department of Political Science, told PCIJ. 

“It gives me a sense they are already using their own money,” she said. “Candidates cannot use their own money. When you have a stake in election spending, all the more you will be corrupt.”

Campaigns have traditionally relied on donors, usually businesses, to fund election activities. Increasingly, however, the country has seen candidates using personal funds or relying on family members for support.

“It’s because the candidates are businessmen themselves,” said former Commission on Elections commissioner Luie Guia.

Marcos was first elected to the Senate in 2019, and is now seeking a second term. She is the third in the family to occupy a seat in the chamber, following her father, the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos, and her brother President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. 

The Marcos clan continues to dominate politics in their home province of Ilocos Norte. 

Breaching P1B 

Marcos is one of two senatorial candidates who aired ads worth P1 billion over the nine-month period before the filing of certificates of candidacy (CoCs) in October 2024. 

The other is Las Piñas Rep. Camille Villar, the youngest and only daughter of billionaire real estate mogul Manuel Villar Jr., the country’s richest man, according to Forbes Magazine. He is a former senator and had served as Senate president. 

Unlike Marcos, Villar did not start advertising in January. She had ads worth P100,000 in March but that was it, until August or two months before the CoC filing.

All of a sudden, she flooded TV and radio stations across the country with her ads. She had ads worth P598 million in August and P477 million in September. 

The ads of Marcos and Villar accounted for about 50% of the total P4.1 billion worth of  political advertisements ahead of the CoC filing.  These amounts do not include the cost of producing the advertisements, their separate social media campaigns, the maintenance of campaign offices, and salaries of staff, among other regular expenses.

As of December 2024, Villar was already the top spender on Facebook, the most popular social media platform in the country. She recorded paying Meta P13 million to boost her posts.

Villar is the fourth in her family to seek a seat in the Senate, following her father, her mother Cynthia and her brother Mark, all of whom also recorded heavy ad spending during their campaigns.

Both Cynthia and Mark reported spending personal funds to run their campaigns.

In 2013, the year Cynthia succeeded her husband in the Senate, she reported spending P133.9 million. Out of this amount, P131.6 million was drawn from her personal funds and only P2.6 million from other donors.

Markm who joined her mother in the Senate in 2022, declared spending P131.8 million during his campaign based on his statement of contributions and expenditures (SOCE). He received zero contributions and paid the entire amount out of his personal funds.

Awareness, conversion and survey cliffhangers

There could be several motivations behind candidates’ heavy ad spending, according to experts interviewed by PCIJ. 

Marcos may not be satisfied with her survey position in the second half of the winning circle, said Arjan Aguirre, assistant professor at Ateneo de Manila University. 

“The closer you are in the 12th place, the smaller the margin there is that separates you from the 13th placer. No one wants to be in that place in a Philippine senatorial election,” Aguirre said.

He said her ads are intended to increase her “awareness” among voters so that she can later convert them to support her.

“For Villar, it is safe to say here that they just want her to win by raising her awareness level and later close the gap between that and the voting preference level,” he said.

Awareness and conversion are jargons in product advertising, which recognized the importance of brand recall when consumers are making decisions about products they buy. In election campaigns, candidates become the products and name recall is the goal. 

Competing against media celebs

In a race packed by media celebrities who have the advantage of name recall, Marcos and Villar are not the only scions of political clans who ramped up ad spending ahead of October’s CoC filing. 

Makati Mayor Abigail Binay, reelectionist Sen. Francis Tolentino and former interior secretary Benhur Abalos aired ads worth P300 million to P500 million.

These clan members are competing against former news broadcasters Erwin and his brother Ben Tulfo; TV hosts and comedians Vicente “Tito” Sotto II, a former Senate president, and Willie Revillame; boxing champion Emmanuel “Manny” Pacquiao; and actors Bong Revilla and Lito Lapid. 

In comparison, these media celebrities record little to zero ad spending during the nine-month period. 

A similar pattern can be seen in the candidates’ spending on Facebook, the country’s most popular social media platform. 

Imee’s higher ambition?

There’s another possible motivation that Senator Marcos might have, said Aguirre. 

“Imee might be preparing for 2028. Midterms are usually for those people who are eyeing for higher positions like president or vice president, since they use the Senate election to allow them to gauge their ability to generate votes at the national level,” he said. 

Pre-election surveys conducted after the CoC filing, however, show that the two top ad spenders in the May 2025 senatorial elections remain in vulnerable survey positions, hanging by a thread in the “Magic 12” winning circle. 

They ranked 12th to 14th in the December 2024 Social Weather Stations surveys, with 21% voter preference. 

Marcos and Villar were also statistically tied in the November 2024 Pulse Asia survey, ranking 10th to 15th, with 37.5% and 36.5% voter preference, respectively. 

In the next four months before the May 12 midterm elections, Guia said other candidates are expected to attempt to match the heavy ad spending of their rivals, setting the stage for another expensive election.

Guia said voters should ask: “Why are the candidates spending huge sums to win elections? The burden of explaining should be on the candidate.The public should demand it.”

Read more: Candidates aired P4B worth of TV, radio ads before filing

The post Are candidates funding their own campaigns? appeared first on CoverStory.