Even as she continues to do daring work in Filipino productions (“Iti Mapukpukaw,” “Ang Duyan ng Magiting,” “A Very Good Girl”), she has also cleverly parlayed her career-boosting Cannes debut into an international career that has yielded four Hollywood productions so far.

Dolly’s latest project, “Nine Perfect Strangers,” is her most mainstream foray into Hollywood to date, with no less than David E. Kelley (“Big Little Lies,” “Ally McBeal”) as showrunner. The series features a star-studded cast led by Nicole Kidman and begins its eight-episode sophomore season late this month on Prime Video. 

But we also loved the other US productions in which Dolly was cast.

In Nathan Silver’s May-December comedy, “Between the Temples” (85% approval rating on Rotten Tomatoes), Dolly plays Manila-born Jewish realtor Judith Gottlieb, the lesbian mother of 40-year-old bachelor Ben (Jason Schwartzman). Judith gets the shock of her life when Ben announces he’s fallen in love with Carla (New York Film Critics’ best supporting actress winner Carol Kane), his former music teacher in grade school! 

Then there’s the sublime “Ghostlight” (99% on RT). In Kelly O’Sullivan and Alex Thompson’s “dramedy,” a construction worker (Keith Kupferer) coming to terms with the inexplicable suicide of his teenage son finds a measure of healing when he inadvertently ends up playing Romeo opposite Dolly’s Juliet in a community theater production of Shakespeare’s most enduring love story. In the credits, Dolly is also billed as one of the movie’s coproducers—a feat in itself.

Meanwhile, Dolly’s cameo in John Cena and Awkwafina’s action-comedy caper “Jackpot!” may be fleeting, but flashy just the same. Set in 2030, the dystopian movie revolves around a grand lottery where participants must eliminate each other to win the multibillion-dollar jackpot prize. Dolly’s deceptively naive character, Grandma Tala, with crying baby in comedic tow, starts the bloodbath by killing Seann William Scott (“American Pie”)!

Ex-nun

But her role in “Nine Perfect Strangers” was a particularly tough row to hoe for Dolly, who describes her ex-nun character Agnes as “quite daunting” to essay.  

“I found the idea of playing a former nun challenging because I’ve never been one obviously,” she explained in an exclusive interview with CoverStory last month. “It was intimidating because I wouldn’t know how it feels to be a woman of the cloth.” 

Asked how she surmounted that initial trepidation, Dolly said, “I tried to calm my nerves by talking to Sister Mary John (Mananzan), who’s a dear friend of mine because we’re both Scholasticans (alumnae of St. Scholastica’s College). I asked her: Why would a nun do certain things or behave a certain way? Because Agnes does some things that aren’t very becoming of a nun. I even read Sister Mary John’s book so I could understand my character more.” 

She added: “But the most exciting thing about the whole process was working with Jonathan Levine, our director, because he gave us free rein to explore and do whatever we felt was right for our respective roles. He respected our choices and allowed us to just have fun with the material. He would just tweak it a bit.”

Another “source of intimidation” for Dolly was the thought of working with her Oscar-winning costar, Nicole Kidman, who reprises her role in the show as the enigmatic health and wellness guru Masha Dmitrichenko.  

“Nicole is an icon, and I was a little nervous knowing that I’d be working with her,” Dolly said. “Thankfully, she made me feel very comfortable on set right away. When we did our scenes together, I didn’t feel like I was working with a big star at all. It felt like she was just another actor like me.” 

In their scenes together, “Nicole was really in the moment,” Dolly recalled. “She wasn’t behaving like a diva or any of those things that we think people of her stature would do. It was so easy to do the scenes with her because she made the set a very safe and fun space for the actors.”

Handpicked ‘strangers’

Based on Liane Moriarty’s novel, the first season of “Nine Perfect Strangers” gathers strangers who are handpicked by Masha to take part in a 10-day retreat at the Tranquillum House in California, relive past traumas and come to terms with them by adding “psychedelic” drugs into their diet. Unknown to her clients, Masha is driven by the needless death of her young daughter, Tatiana.

Melissa McCarthy’s character likens Masha’s unorthodox ways to “identifying your hump, then hurling yourself over it.” Aside from Nicole and Melissa, the stellar cast of the pilot season also included Regina Hall, Luke Evans, Michael Shannon, Bobby Cannavale and Filipino Canadian Manny Jacinto.

Shot mostly in Munich, Germany, for six months, Season 2 sees Masha relocating to the Austrian Alps after becoming the subject of multiple federal investigations in the United States following the tumultuous events in the previous season. 

Aside from Dolly, the brand-new batch of “perfect strangers” in Nicole and Lena Olin’s snow-drenched resort also includes Mark Strong, Christine Baranski, Murray Bartlett, Annie Murphy, Maisie Richardson-Sellers, King Princess, Aras Aydin and Henry Golding. 

Not just another talented actress

The interview with Dolly made us realize what makes her performances tick and click. She isn’t just another talented actress who fires on all cylinders every chance she gets; she explains her life and acting choices with thoughtful eloquence. 

Take the Cinemalaya entry, “Ang Duyan ng Magiting,” where she plays a social worker who stands her ground against police brutality. Dolly was a sobering, forceful presence in that well-meaning but occasionally overwrought indie.

If you think you’ve got Dolly’s nun character in “Nine Perfect Strangers” all figured out, think again. For instance, in one fleeting moment in an episode we’ve seen, Agnes even references a female God!

Here’s the rest of CoverStory’s one-on-one chat with Dolly:

I’ve only seen two episodes so far, so I’m wondering, what is it about Sister Agnes that resonated with you? Didn’t you also play the school principal nun in the QCinema-winning lesbian romance, “Billy & Emma”? 

Yes. The big difference between Sister Agnes and the nun in “Billy & Emma” is that Sister Agnes authentically cares about the human struggle, about making a connection with God. The nun in “Billy & Emma” just cares about disciplining students. That’s because she feels that that’s the way to heaven…to follow God’s law and all that. 

But with Sister Agnes, she’s very introspective. She goes beyond what’s been taught to her in the convent. She often thinks about her relationship with God and wants to put deeper meaning into that, rather than focusing on the indoctrination or the way the Church taught her to think. 

Agnes has a mind of her own. She has agency. She’s not controlled by the Bible or the teachings of the Church. She wants to dig deeper and understand why she’s being asked to do the things that God is asking her to do.

What can Filipino viewers learn from this series?

Filipino viewers will be able to appreciate the way relationships work, because we Pinoys are very relationship-focused, right? We value family and friendship, we value being kind to one another, and we look out for each other. 

And this series shows you just that…through the interconnection of the characters, how they meet, blend and communicate with one another. This is a testament to how relationships form human beings, or how dealing with each other helps shape us. That’s very Pinoy. 

Also, it gives Filipinos a new light on how we perceive nontraditional medicine and therapy, because that’s one of the key elements of the show. We Filipinos are very traditional when it comes to healing ourselves and our approach to medicine. But “Nine Perfect Strangers” presents a very different view, so I think they would learn a lot from that.

On a lighter note, in my separate interviews with your costars Mark Strong and Aras Aydin, they said the sweetest things about you. Aras even became emotional because he said he misses you. Any reaction to that? 

Aras, who plays Christine Baranski’s young consort, was the first actor I met in Munich. On the very first day of the shoot, we rode in the same vehicle going to the sound stage. He is the funniest person in the cast. I adore him! 

I’m a huge fan of Mark Strong, who plays Henry Golding’s billionaire father, David. I have admired Mark for the longest time, so just the idea that I’d be working with him was intimidating. But when I met him, he was so cool, so down to earth. Mark and Aras helped make that whole experience so much fun. I love them so much.

Can you think of a common denominator shared by your recent characters in Hollywood—from Sister Agnes to Abigail to Judith to Tala to Rita (of “Ghostlight”)? 

It’s hard to come up with one common denominator for the characters that you mentioned, because they’re all very different from each other. I would say, though, that with Judith in “Between the Temples,” it’s her desire to be faithful to Judaism. She truly wants to serve her church, which is a trait she shares with Agnes. The thing with Agnes is she’s more concerned about her existence, so may pagka-existentialist s’ya. She thinks about issues like that. She doesn’t take things at face value.

Perhaps their most common thing is they don’t just take things as they are. They question, they challenge, they don’t rely on doctrine or what people tell them to do. They have their own beliefs and paninindigan (principles)—that’s the thing they all have in common. 

That’s true even for Tala in “Jackpot!” (laughs). She loves her family and all that, but she will still fight for what she believes is rightfully hers. And I think that’s the most common thing. They want what’s best for them and the people they love. They’re fighters.

Does your background in theater influence your artistic decisions? Has it helped you choose the kind of characters you play?

Not necessarily in the way that I choose the characters to play but in how I approach characterization. But in making that decision, it’s always about whether I can resonate with the character or not. Every time I read a script, it’s automatic. If I feel a connection, if I’m moved by what the characters are fighting for, if I can see myself in them even a little bit, that’s when I know I have to do it. 

When I read the script for “Nine Perfect Strangers,” I immediately fell in love with Agnes because I could absolutely relate to the way she’s able to make decisions on her own despite the fact that an institution is forcing its beliefs on her. 

And that’s one thing that I can always relate to in the characters I portray—if they have agency or if they fight for what they believe in. If the character is passionate about family, church, or their relationships, that’s someone I want to play!

The second season of “Nine Perfect Strangers” premieres on May 22 on Prime Video with new episodes every Thursday.

The post Why Dolly de Leon sought Sister Mary John’s advice for her role in Nicole Kidman series appeared first on CoverStory.

Bella Belen capped her collegiate career on a high note, firing 18 points to lead NU to a dominant sweep over De La Salle University, 25-19, 25-18, and 25-19 at the Mall of Asia Arena on May 14.

With consistent poise, the Lady Bulldogs controlled the tempo from start to finish, winning each set with commanding margins of 10, 8, and 7 points.

Anchoring their rock-solid defense was Shaira Jardio, who chipped in 21 digs and 12 excellent receptions. She added 10 markers and shared the Finals MVP award with Vange Alinsug—the first time in UAAP history that two players were named co-recipients.

Staying grounded

Belen, the three-time MVP and this season’s First Best Outside Hitter, spoke about how the team stayed grounded throughout adversities in their journey to defend their title.

“We went through a lot and suffered some losses this season,” she said in Filipino. “There were many times we questioned ourselves and the path we were taking as a team. But we trusted ourselves, our teammates, our coaches, and kept putting in the work until we finally got the back-to-back championship.”

Alyssa Solomon, last year’s Finals MVP, acknowledged that she used their failed championship run in the past season as fuel for a back-to-back title: “I used Season 85 as a motivation, because we didn’t achieve what we wanted then. Now that we had another chance to go back-to-back, we gave everything we had.”

NU head coach Sherwin Meneses said the seniors led the team with maturity and built chemistry in under a year.

“I’m so thankful to the seniors,” he said. “The chemistry we formed within eight months was incredibly quick, and their leadership—especially Bella’s—was exceptional. Hopefully, she brings that same leadership to the pros.”

Meneses expressed hope that the younger players will carry the same dedication and competitive spirit in the next season.

“I hope they adopt the attitude of their seniors, who are extremely competitive and present in every training,” he said. “We’ll make sure to guide the younger players well.”

Camilla Lamina was named Best Setter of the season, while DLSU’s top gun Angel Canino was awarded the 2nd Best Outside Hitter. Her teammate, Shevana Laput, bagged both the season’s Best Opposite Spiker and AIA Defensive Player of the Finals honors.

The other awardees included DLSU’s Amie Provido, 1st Best Middle Blocker, and Lyka de Leon, Best Libero; Adamson University’s Shaina Nitura, Rookie of the Year; and University of the Philippines’ Niña Ytang, 2nd Best Middle Blocker.

Men’s finale

As the Lady Bulldogs celebrate their championship, the men’s team now turns its focus to the winner-take-all finale.

Congolese middle blocker Obed Mukaba delivered a career-high 20 points as the NU Bulldogs outlasted Far Eastern University last Wednesday in a five-set escape, 20-25, 25-22, 25-15, 18-25, and 15-11, to force a Game 3 in the UAAP Season 87 Men’s Volleyball Finals on Saturday.

Buds Buddin matched Mukaba’s output with 20 big points of his own, coming through in clutch moments to keep the Bulldogs’ title hopes alive.

NU was ahead with a 2-1 set lead but lost momentum in the fourth as FEU leveled the match.

In the deciding fifth frame, the Tamaraws took early control with an 8-5 lead, but the Bulldogs came back with a 5-0 run, capitalizing on FEU’s errors to snatch a 10-8 advantage.

FEU managed to tie it at 10-all, but NU held firm down the stretch to seal the win and extend the finals series.

Speaking in Filipino at the postgame press conference, Buddin shared how the team stayed motivated even in pressure-packed moments: “Every end of the set, we huddle and remind ourselves—why are we fighting? It’s for our dreams, and for our families. That’s always been our motivation, every single set, to remember the dream we’re working for.”

Buddin emphasized how their experience helped them stay composed during the tight five-setter. “Our maturity really showed on the court,” he said. “Our experience made a big difference, especially with our blockings—that’s where our momentum started.”

FEU’s Dryx Saavedra led all scorers with 24 points, while Amet Bituin and Chad Absin added 10 and 9 markers, respectively.

The Sampaloc-based squads now gear up for the ultimate showdown in Game 3, set for 1 p.m. on May 17 at the Mall of Asia Arena.

Read more: NU bares fangs in fiery Game 1 win over La Salle

The post On NU’s Day of Domination, Lady Bulldogs clinch crown as men’s squad forces Game 3 appeared first on CoverStory.

While formal concession speeches have long been a staple of American political life, they are only just beginning to take root in this country. Historically, our defeated candidates have either remained silent, filed protests, or vanished into the provinces; rarely have they taken the podium to formally acknowledge the people’s verdict. This year, however, a notable number of candidates, including incumbents like Manila Mayor Honey Lacuna, took the initiative to concede, and even before the final tallies were completed.

This is a welcome sign of political maturity, but one that is still finding its linguistic and rhetorical footing. For instance, the formulation used by a major news agency—“Honey Lacuna concedes defeat to Isko Moreno”—is grammatically incorrect. One does not “concede defeat” to an opponent; one accepts defeat and concedes victory. The verb concede requires a positive object (a win, a point, an advantage); it is not the defeat that is offered to the victor but the acknowledgement of the latter’s triumph. This solecism betrays a deeper unfamiliarity with the rhetorical form of concession itself.

Consider other clumsy examples from this election cycle. A headline from a digital outlet read, “Candidate X throws the towel after neck-and-neck fight.” Besides the mixed metaphor (the phrase should be throws in the towel), the image awkwardly dramatizes what should be a sober civic gesture. Another report quoted a mayoral candidate as saying, “We lost, but our hearts are not.” The poetic impulse is forgivable, but the lack of rhetorical control risks sounding incoherent.

Contrast this with the more deliberate and polished concession speeches of Western democracies. When Mitt Romney lost the 2012 US presidential election, he said: “The nation chose another leader. And so, Ann and I join with you to earnestly pray for him and for this great nation.” John McCain, in his 2008 concession to Barack Obama, acknowledged: “Senator Obama has achieved a great thing for himself and for his country.” These speeches are crafted with a combination of dignity, pathos, and purpose. They do not merely report the facts of defeat—they offer a narrative, reaffirm values, and preserve the speaker’s political capital.

The roots of concession rhetoric lie in the classical traditions of Aristotle, Cicero, and Cassiodorus. In Rhetoric, Aristotle taught that persuasion involves ethos (character), pathos (emotion), and logos (reason). A concession speech is a textbook case of deliberative rhetoric designed not to recount the past but to guide future action. It must appeal to emotions to comfort supporters, employ logic to justify the result, and establish the speaker’s continued credibility.

Cicero, one of Rome’s greatest orators, never delivered a formal concession speech in the modern sense, but his rhetorical moves—especially after political defeats—were strategic realignments aimed at reclaiming relevance. His Philippics against Mark Antony, after Julius Caesar’s assassination, were not cries of surrender but attempts to define the future of the Republic in his terms. Ultimately, his rhetorical defiance cost him his life, but it also shows how concession can be weaponized as narrative control, a bridge to a future comeback, and not just a footnote to failure.

In the Philippine context, this rhetorical function of concession is vital. In a political culture still reeling from populism, celebrity politics, and weak institutions, concession speeches can help restore a semblance of rational public discourse. But this only works if the act of concession is grounded in sincerity and linguistic clarity.

Yet this ideal clashes with the current state of Philippine democracy, which remains in peril. Too many of our senators and local officials remain implicated in corruption and extrajudicial killings, or simply lack the qualifications for public service. When actors, influencers, or dynastic heirs with no discernible platform or record are elected to high office, concession becomes less a sign of sportsmanship than an obituary of democracy. In such instances, one cannot “concede victory” to the opponent; one can only “accept defeat”—the defeat, not of a candidate, but of the democratic project itself.

In this sense, there is a tragic irony to the sudden rise of concession speeches in the 2025 elections. On the one hand, their growing popularity signifies a rhetorical and civic maturing: Candidates are now more aware of the symbolic importance of the gesture. On the other hand, the grammar and tone of these speeches often betray a lack of rhetorical training, and worse, their very necessity is undermined by the quality of many victors. What is the point of gracefully conceding to someone whose very campaign was a farce, or whose record is tainted?

Nevertheless, the increasing presence of concession speeches—even flawed ones—signals a cultural shift. It suggests a willingness, however tentative, to align with the norms of liberal democracy and public accountability. With time, the grammar will catch up with the gesture. But more importantly, perhaps the gesture will begin to reshape the substance of Philippine politics.

For now, though, the words matter. When a politician says, “I concede victory to my opponent,” it is not just a linguistic correction; it is a civic offering, a bow to the will of the people, and a re-entry into the long rhetorical tradition of Aristotle and Cicero. It is also a faint glimmer of hope: that in conceding with grace, we might one day win back a democracy worth fighting for.

Lito B. Zulueta teaches journalism and literature at the University of Santo Tomas’ Faculty of Arts and Letters.

Read more: Kontra Daya flags the automated election system used on Election Day

The post The rhetoric of losing: the rise—and wrong grammar—of the concession speech in the midterm polls appeared first on CoverStory.

Toward the 7 p.m. close of polling precincts nationwide on Monday, May 12, Kontra Daya said the errors in the automated counting machines (ACM) accounted for most of the problems encountered in the midterm polls.

It said the “verified reports” it had received concerning ACM errors included paper jams, “overvoting” due to “slight smudges,” or markings on the ballot, and mismatches between the actual candidates chosen by voters and the results shown on the receipt of the names on the ballot.

This receipt is called the VVPAT, or the voter verifiable paper audit trail, which is a slip of paper that emerges from the ACM after the ballot is inserted into it and read by the machine. It is like a receipt from a grocery or supermarket cash register.

The VVPAT is an important document in checking for election fraud.

Kontra Daya said overvoting would nullify all the choices made by the voter for a certain position such as senator, and the VVPAT-ballot mismatch would result in a wrong count.

Disenfranchisement

The outcome would be “critical in the sense that it may have resulted in disenfranchisement and inaccurate counting of the votes,” Kontra Daya convenor Danny Arao told CoverStory.

He said the ACM being used in the midterm elections, which was made by a Korean company, is “oversensitive,” so that a small smudge, if it is within the circle to be shaded beside the name of a candidate, could be counted for that candidate even if it is not the voter’s choice.

According to unverified social media reports, some voters had complained that the VVPAT showed names of senatorial candidates they did not vote for.

If the smudge is outside the circle, it could be considered an overvote, and invalidate all the votes for that position. In the case of the Senate race, the machine would report that the ballot contained more votes than the maximum 12 for senators.

Arao said the disenfranchisement due to a machine problem also occurred for the “flimsiest of reasons,” such as the skewed insertion of ballots or when the ACMs do not properly read the votes because of smudges.

Hours before the balloting ended, Kontra Daya reported 305 cases of ACM errors, or 54% percent of verified reports, which include malfunctions that caused hour-long delays.

These delays, Arao said, could also lead to disenfranchisement as some voters may decide to leave without filling out their ballots.

Kontra Daya also received reports of 44 incidents of illegal campaigning, or 44% of Election Day problems. Disenfranchisement (41 incidents or 7%) included missing voters’ names from the list of voters and “procedural barriers.”

There were also 35 incidents of Red-tagging (in which candidates or groups are labeled as supporters if not members of insurgent groups). Noncompliance of rules by members of the Board of Election Inspectors accounted for 34 cases or 6%.

Vote-buying (3%), election-related violence (3%), black propaganda (2%), tampered ballots (2%), harassment of voters (2%) and other Election Day problems (8%) were also reported by Kontra Daya.

According to Arao, the cases of disenfranchisement will impact tightly contested races where every vote counts. In the senatorial elections, that would impact the candidates in the 10th to 14th positions. In local close fights where the candidates are almost evenly matched, it would also have an impact. 

Obviously, for unopposed candidates, disenfranchisement would not matter at all.

Possible election fraud

Kontra Daya and Computer Professionals Union (CPU) also raised concerns about the allegations made by lawyer Harold Respicio, a candidate for vice mayor of Reina Mercedes, Isabela, of possible election fraud due to a mismatch between the software version used by the ACM for Election Day and what had earlier been approved or certified.

Respicio said in a Facebook post on May 10 that the final version 3.5.0, which he said was not officially certified, was different from the certified audited version, 3.4.0, not only in the version number but also in the hash code.

The software is a set of instructions used by the ACM, from the time the machine is turned on, reads the ballots, transmits the results, and puts out its reports until it shuts down.

Pointing to the reported changes in the software cited by Respicio, CPU said version 3.5.0 had a hash code beginning with 0438, while version 3.4.0 starts with 3AD9.

“A different system version could mean that changes were inserted into the source code, altering its entire function or creating, intentionally or unintentionally, a ‘backdoor’ that may be exploited to manipulate election results,” CPU said in a statement on the eve of the polls. “The implications of this discrepancy are profound.”

The Commission on Elections (Comelec) dismissed the allegation as fake news, saying that version 3.4.0 became version 3.5.0 after it was certified.

Without referring to Respicio by name, Comelec Chair George Erwin Garcia said the “candidate” just saw the hash code of the local source code review report that was audited, and that the final version was the “trusted build” of the software. 

Kontra Daya said in a statement that the ACM and its “inner workings should reflect the people’s vote and be subject to public scrutiny to ensure that it will record our vote.” 

CPU said that regardless of the Comelec’s explanations, the change in the software version “completely undermines the whole process of transparency and accountability” and “raises questions about the integrity of the entire electoral process.”

The post Kontra Daya flags the automated election system used on Election Day appeared first on CoverStory.

Margarita remembered calming EJ when he was still in her womb by singing “Twinkle, Twinkle, Little Star.” He was restless and kept turning, and was soothed by the sound of her voice. After he was born, she said, the same song would make him stop crying and fall sleep.

EJ was eight when his parents, Margarita and Manolo, realized that he had a sharp ear for music. For example, his siblings would play a note or two on the piano and ask him to identify it. His answer was always precise.

“He’s good in both melodic and rhythmic dictation, quick in memorizing pieces, and can play correctly the tunes he hears on the radio or TV,” Margarita said. “We saw his full potential during his preparation for and performance at his first NAMCYA (National Music Competition for Young Artists) participation in 2013. He won second prize for strings (violin), Category A2.”

Family project

The mother also recalled how the family scrimped and saved to make EJ’s enrolment in music lessons possible, how their determination made up for the lack of extra money: “Tipid-tipid at lakasan lang ng loob kahit wala gaanong hawak na pera.”

She continued: “At that time, EJ’s siblings were still in college. Only my husband was working. It was an expensive commute to get to his music classes because we lived far from Manila. We are thankful that he received certain lessons for free or at a discount because the teachers saw how good he is.”

There was stress in the long commute, with the heavy traffic thrown in. “But it was a happy time at the school because I met a lot of other parents, and we shared with one another each child’s development,” she said. “When EJ started, I would observe his lessons so I would know how to assist him and supervise his practice. At home we would practice together.”

The Villarins have four children; EJ is the youngest. The eldest is Gringo, a music education graduate and a master US tax professional. He works as a piano teacher. The second, Margarette Kean, is a music education graduate and works as a high school teacher Gringo and Margarette are secondary teachers licensed by the Professional Regulatory Commission. The third child is Arvin, a mechanical engineer who plays piano and guitar

Margarita—who gives truth to the adage “Your greatest contribution to the universe may not be something you do but someone you raise”—let all her children study piano “because they all like music,” she said. “They played piano in church when they were in grade school.”

Before he retired, Manolo fit his salary to pay for the basic necessities so his children could study at the same time. Gringo, Margarette and Arvin became college scholars—a financial boon that allowed EJ to continue his music lessons. When EJ reached secondary school, he, too, became a scholar at the Philippine High School for the Arts (PHSA).

In Margarita’s opinion, if the government increases its support for music education by putting up more high schools for the arts nationwide, more talents will be discovered among the youth. As important is the training of teachers who will shape the students’ skills and gifts. “In other countries, they put a big value on classical music and music education,” she pointed out.

No missed lesson

Teacher Sara Maria Gonzales met EJ through his sister Margarette, her college classmate and good friend. She said of that first meeting: “I wouldn’t say there were immediate signs of high musical ability. Each child has a potential. Dr. Shinichi Suzuki taught us that talent is not inborn–it is nurtured. When children are brought to me, they are all the same to me although they will progress in different ways, depending on several factors such as environment, dedication and perseverance.”

EJ started lessons with Sara after the summer of 2007 when he was four. “He was always clad in his white sando and shorts, pawis-pawis (sweaty),” she recalled. “He was playful but never disruptive. When it was lesson time, he was well-behaved, attentive, and followed instructions well. We did not go through the Suzuki books in a rush because we needed to establish a good foundation. I’m grateful for his family’s trust. They were very supportive, especially the mother, who would accompany him to lessons most of the time. They never missed a lesson.”

The turning point for teacher and student was in 2013, when she decided to let him join the NAMCYA. He was the youngest finalist for that year and won second prize.

EJ was then just finishing his Suzuki Book 3 and had yet to play a concerto. “For the competition, I assigned him pieces that were well above his current level,” Sara said. “I am glad that I now see the effect of years of careful and unhurried training. Marinating his skills paid off. He was very focused.”

Today, EJ is a pioneer member of the Manila Symphony Junior Orchestra (MSJO) and an incoming sophomore at Hochschule für Musik Hanns Eisler in Berlin, Germany. He was awarded the National Commission for Culture and the Arts Ani ng Dangal in 2022 – a recognition he received as one of the concertmasters of the 2023 Asian Youth Orchestra (AYO), where he led the orchestra in a concert tour of 11 cities in Europe and Asia. He is a scholar of the Standard Insurance Co.’s “In Pursuit of Excellence” program and the CCP Scholarship Program.

Sara recalled: “There was Handel’s Sonata in A major, not a simple piece for kids. I had marked all the necessary corrections or suggestions in his paper. By the next lesson, EJ was performing the piece flawlessly, with all of my notes applied. That was when I realized that EJ can do much more. In the years to come, I would consistently assign him pieces that would challenge him and that would push him to the next level. And he always delivered. Never a complaint, never a whine, always complying, disciplined and mature, even at a young age.”

In 2016, Ej was selected to perform Mozart’s Violin Concerto in D major in the Asia Suzuki Conference in Bali. He performed the same concerto for his audition to PHSA, where he was accepted and continued to be under Sara’s care.

Exemplary student

Asked what fulfillment she has derived from her student’s many accomplishments, including the scholarship in Europe and his being a part of the AYO, Sara said: “Nurturing a student takes a prolonged time of dedication. Getting EJ from ‘Twinkle Twinkle, Little Star’ to where he is now [required] lots of hard work. We celebrate small wins every lesson. I am glad that he grew up fine. I was able to share the beauty of music and everything good that comes with studying and performing music. I myself was once a member of the AYO; I joined the NAMCYA several times. Those years were among the best in my life. With his success, I am more encouraged and inspired to teach more students to achieve as much as he did. He is an exemplary student of mine, in music and in character.”

“Ultimately,” Sara said, “I hope EJ will share in my mission of helping more Filipino students achieve more in music, if not as much as he has. We need all the help we can get—Filipino children deserve to experience the power of music and its ability to transform lives. I hope EJ can someday help other young musicians reach even greater heights and enrich the classical music scene in the Philippines.”

The teacher claimed full knowledge of “all the stages” of her student’s life. “I’m like his second mother while he was growing up,” she said, and laughingly described him as “always very candid,” reporting his first time to commute on his own or his first time to shave.

She also recalled that EJ always wore slippers until one day, after a not-so-good recital, she told him that the reason he sounded humdrum had to do with the way he walked in his slippers. From that time on, she said, he always wore shoes.

The MSO is the oldest orchestra in Asia but “government support is virtually nonexistent,” according to Sara. She said the MSO Foundation is doing its best to contribute to classical music education through the MSO Music Academy, outreach workshops and youth orchestra projects.

Videos are uploaded almost weekly on the MSJO page, Sara said, adding: “We see a growing appreciation from our audiences. I believe we’re helping build that awareness. The audience is learning. In this age of AI, music remains irreplaceable—it will always be enriching for both children and adults.”

MSO’s “Music for Peace” also includes Dvořák’s Symphony No. 9 (from The New World). Marlon Chen conducts.

Tickets for the concert that starts at 7.30 p.m. at the Aliw Theater, Cultural Center of the Philippines grounds, in Pasay City are available at Ticketworld here. Email [email protected] or call 0917-550-6997 or 0999-954-5922. Students with a valid ID on the day of the concert get a 50% discount.

The post Manila Symphony Orchestra soloist EJ Villarin in the eyes of his mother and teacher appeared first on CoverStory.

Ferdinand Marcos Jr. is now the country’s 17th president. He was elected in May 2022 in one of the biggest political comebacks in history. It came nearly four decades after a bloodless people’s revolt ousted his father, strongman Ferdinand Marcos (1965-1986).

In Ilocos Sur, the Singson clan led by former Gov. Luis “Chavit” Singson stands out for its size.

At least 23 of them are running for multiple positions in the province, based on research by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ). It may yet be the biggest number of candidates from a single clan running for public office in the May 12 elections.

They are the “super obese dynasty” of the country, according to Danilo Arao, convenor of the election watchdog Kontra Daya.

The Marcos and the Singson clans are also considered “mega dynasties,” those comprising several dynasties banding together to control not only provinces but the entire country, according to Arao.

They have counterparts in other parts of the country: Romualdezes, Villars and Arroyos.

In the Ilocos as well as in other regions, dynasties either compete or ally with each other. What they enjoy in common are “political interests that would determine how they will go about consolidating power, wealth and influence,’’ Arao said.

These political interests affect family relations as relatives run against each other or ally with “perceived enemies,’’ he said.

“In a sense, one can say that dynasties can get ideas from how other dynasties operate but the underlying current is still their uncompromising resolve to retain and strengthen political and economic leverage not just against other political clans, but also against the people in whose name they claim to run,’’ he told PCIJ.

Ilocos Norte: Trouble between Macoy’s children?

In the midterm elections on Monday, six members of the Marcos political clan are running for public office.

The President’s sister, Sen. Imee Marcos, is seeking reelection. She has bolted the administration ticket and thrown her lot with the Dutertes, whose patriarch Rodrigo Duterte is facing charges for crimes against humanity before the International Criminal Court in The Hague, Netherlands.

It was Duterte who ordered the interment of the strongman at the Libingan ng mga Bayani months into his presidency in 2016.

But there’s more than meets the eye here, according to Arao, whose group Kontra Daya also checks the expanding influence of political dynasties in the country.

“The relationship between Bongbong Marcos and Imee Marcos is a classic example of how political clans would sometimes go against each other even if they have common interests in terms of consolidating power, wealth and influence,’’ he said.

While they’re not on the “same political page” at the moment, “they are still blood relatives regardless of what happens,” Arao said. “As the saying goes, blood is thicker than water but class interest is the ‘one ring that rules them all,’ to quote from a classic,” he added.

Marcos’ son, Rep. Sandro Marcos (first district), is also seeking reelection.

The President’s cousin-in-law, Vice Gov. Cecilia Araneta-Marcos, is running for governor, while his nephew, Gov. Matthew Joseph Manotoc, is vying for vice governor in a case of position switching, according to PCIJ data.

His cousins, Laoag City Mayor Michael Keon and 2nd District Rep. Angelo Marcos Barba, are also seeking reelection.

Ilocos Sur: The ‘super obese’ dynasty of Singsons

Chavit Singson withdrew from the Senate race as early as Jan. 14, citing his need to recover from pneumonia.

The political kingpin of Ilocos Sur had fared poorly in the polls, trailing far behind the pack of “survey leaders”—composed mostly of reelectionists and returnees except for two broadcaster-brothers—battling for 12 Senate seats.

The withdrawal of the 83-year-old former governor, however, will hardly make a dent on the dynasty’s reign in the province.

At least 23 other Singsons are running for multiple other positions in the province of at least 700,000 in this year’s midterms.

One of his sons, Luis Charles, is running for two positions. He is running for councilor in Narvacan town, and is also the No. 4 nominee of the Ako Ilokano Ako, a party list group currently represented by his sister Richelle Singson.

An aspirant who files a certificate of candidacy (CoC) for more than one office shall not be eligible for any of them, according to Commission on Elections (Comelec) Resolution No. 11045, promulgated in August 2024.

The aspirant, however, may cancel the CoC for one office in favor of the other, not later than Oct. 8, 2024, the same resolution said. As of this writing, the young Singson remains a candidate for councilor in Narvacan.

“Conceptually, you can’t be a nominee if you’re running for an elective post. It’s like you’re running for two positions,’’ former Comelec commissioner Luie Tito Guia told PCIJ.

Party-list groups can win up to three seats, but nominees have previously stepped aside to let others take their place.

Chavit’s brother, incumbent Gov. Jeremias “Jerry” Singson, and another son, incumbent Vice Gov. Ryan Singson, are running unopposed and up for reelection, bidding to keep the clan’s decades-long foothold in the provincial capitol.

The fact that nobody is challenging Jeremias and Ryan Singson, among others, indicates that the clan has wielded “power and influence through the years despite changes in the administration,” said Arao.

Chavit’s grandniece Janina Singson Medina-Fariñas, and former House Rep. Eric Singson’s son Ericson Singson and niece Fayina Pilar Zaragoza are also vying for seats in the 10-member provincial board.

Chavit and Eric are relatives.

In the capital Vigan City, Chavit’s son Randy Singson is running for mayor unopposed. His nephew, reelectionist Evaristo “Bobit” Singson III, and his sister-in-law, Katherine “Mia” Aguila Singson, are seeking a seat in the city council.

Meanwhile, in Caoayan town, Chavit’s sister, Mayor Germelina Singson Goulart, and her son, Vice Mayor Juan Paolo Singson Ancheta, are seeking another term unopposed.

Chavit’s grandniece Annea Cassandra Singson de Leon is also running for mayor in Sto. Domingo town.

In his own bailiwick Candon City, Eric Singson is running for mayor unopposed. His niece Kristelle Singson is also running for vice mayor unopposed, while his nephew Jaime Singson and son Eric Owen Singson are running for councilor.

In the congressional race, Chavit’s son Rep. Ronald Singson and Eric’s daughter Rep. Kristine Singson-Meehan are seeking reelection in the province’s first and second district, respectively.

The Singsons joined the party list race in 2022, when Chavit’s daughter Richelle Singson won a House seat through the Ako Ilokano Ako group.

In this year’s midterms, Richelle is the party list group’s No. 1 nominee, while the rest of its nominees are Eric Singson’s son Allen Singson, and Chavit’s other children, Chelsey Louisse Singson, Christian Luis Singson and Luis Charles Singson, the candidate for councilor in Narvacan.

Another party list group, Probinsiyano Ako, is identified with the Singsons. Its second nominee is Chavit’s brother Jose “Bonito” Singson Jr.

“For the patriarch, it’s his way of letting his sons, daughters and other relatives inherit whatever ‘legacy’ he has, for lack of a better term. He’s actually giving way because he knows that he’s not immortal,” Arao said.

La Union: Oldest political dynasty battle it out against each other

In La Union, the Ortegas’ political journey is one for the books. It all began in 1901, when the American colonial government appointed Don Joaquin Ortega as governor of the province, from 1901 to 1904. Since then, other members have served in various posts.

This year, 12 members of the clan are gunning for different positions. The province has become so small for the growing clan that some are battling one another for the same positions.

For instance, the gubernatorial race pits reelectionist Gov. Raphaelle Veronica Ortega-David against her grandfather, incumbent Vice Gov. Mario Ortega.

The first district congressional race is a battle between reelectionist Rep. Paolo Ortega and his cousin, incumbent provincial board member Joy Ortega.

In the surfing town of San Juan, Vice Mayor Manuel Ortega is challenging his aunt, Mariquita Padua Ortega, for mayor.

These inter-family contests will guarantee that the clan will keep these posts.

The Ortega clan also seeks to expand to new territory, the 2nd District seat, which a family member is not known to have won before.

Former governor Pacoy Ortega is running for the congressional seat. If he wins, it will mark the first time the Ortega clan controls both districts of the province.

The other candidates are Geraldine “Denny” Ortega for provincial board member; Vice Mayor Alfred Ortega for San Fernando City mayor; Pablo Ortega for San Fernando City vice mayor; and Daniel Bianca Ortega and Jose Mari Ortega for San Fernando City councilor.

Some in the clan acknowledged political disagreements, but said their desire to serve the public motivates them to run against one another, and leave their fate in the hands of voters.

Pangasinan: Relatively new dynasty

In contrast with the durable Ortega dynasty, and obese Marcos and Singson dynasties, the Espinos are a relatively new dynasty in Pangasinan.

In his first foray into politics, Amado Espino Jr., a former police director of Region 1 and a 1972 graduate of the Philippine Military Academy, was elected 1st District congressman in 2001.

He won a second term in 2004. Buoyed by his electoral victories in the House of Representatives, he took a crack at governorship and won in 2007, then in 2010 and 2013.

When his term ended in 2016, he made another successful run in the 5th District’s congressional race, while his son Amado III succeeded him as governor.

In 2019, Amado Jr. lost his reelection bid to Ramon Guico III. But other family members were victorious. Amado III won in his reelection bid as governor, his brother Jumel Anthony as 2nd District congressman and his mother Priscilla as mayor of Bugallon town.

In 2022, Amado III lost his bid for a third term as governor to Guico.

This year, Amado III is bidding to win his rematch against Guico in the gubernatorial race, while Amado Jr. seeks to rejoin the House as the No. 1 nominee of Abante Pangasinan-Ilokano party list group.

Changing tides?

The 1987 Constitution bans political dynasty, but Congress has yet to pass an implementing law. Both chambers are largely composed of dynasts.

The problem is, the country’s own system allows dynasties to flourish, said Arao.

But the times may be changing, political analyst Julio Teehankee told PCIJ. “There’s a growing public sentiment—and you can feel that online—that people are sick and tired of dynasties,’’ he said.

Teehankee said the defeat of 32 candidates from political clans in the 2019 midterms somehow reflected this sentiment, although some managed to make a comeback in 2022.

Citing studies, he said there’s a correlation between high percentage of obese and fat dynasties, and poverty, underdevelopment and corruption.

Given all this, Arao cited the need for the public to “put pressure” on Congress to pass an anti-dynasty law, and reform the party-list system by including mechanisms that protect the marginalized and under-represented sectors.

“The chances [for the passage of an anti-dynasty law] are quite slim, and in fact, I would even argue it’s impossible if they will decide on their own. And that’s why, to quote from Justice [Antonio] Carpio about the West Philippine Sea, public pressure is also necessary,’’ he said.

“There is a slight possibility where those dynasties will be voting against their own interest if they’re forced to do so,” he added.

Teehankee agreed: “Different sectors of society should continue their full-court press to pressure reform-minded members of dynasties to consider passing the anti-dynasty law, if they’re really interested in public service.” With research from Sherwin de Vera, Northern Dispatch

Read more: When voters say ‘enough’: Dynasties in Leyte, Cainta and Pasig fall from power

The post In Ilocandia, land of ‘mega’ dynasties, Chavit Singson has 23 relatives running for office appeared first on CoverStory.

Rogelio Barajas, a resident of Legazpi City in Albay for over five decades, will never forget how Typhoon “Reming” (international name: Durian) unleashed lahar flow from the slopes of Mayon in 2006 that swept through his village, Barangay Mabinit, and claimed the lives of hundreds of his neighbors.

Nearly twenty years on, Barajas has forgotten the names of the dead, but the politicians who came to their aid remain etched in his memory.

“We were stripped bare, left with nothing but the clothes on our backs when ‘Reming’ struck, causing the lahar flow. So when they arrived, bearing aid, our gratitude was immense and overwhelming,” Barajas told the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ).

Many survivors of disasters in Bicol have the same story to tell, said climate activist John Emmanuel Tayo, a volunteer of Greenpeace Philippines in the island province of Catanduanes.

“Most politicians here cultivate an image of heroism by personally appearing on the ground during crises … Their brief speeches during aid distribution events invariably emphasize that the relief is a direct result of their personal efforts,” he said.

Nowhere is this dynamic more visible than in the transformation of SOS-Bicol—a nongovernment organization originally formed to assist calamity victims—into Ako Bicol (AKB) party-list group, which now holds two seats in the House of Representatives.

But many of Bicol’s politicians could have done more. PCIJ’s research and interviews show they either supported or did not oppose government projects blamed for environmental abuses that have increased communities’ vulnerability to calamities.

Bicol region is home to several political dynasties, including the Khos of Masbate—considered among the most “obese” in the country with at least five family members seeking public office in May.

It also hosts the political dynasties of the Cos of Albay, Villafuertes of Camarines Sur, and the Padilla dynasty in Camarines Norte, now led by Senator Robin Padilla.

Mahar Lagmay, a professor at the National Institute of Geological Sciences at the University of the Philippines-Diliman, said the Bicol River Basin is a disaster risk hotspot that demands active government intervention and public preparedness.

Political leaders, he said, have a duty to address hazards through careful community planning. But the lack of proper hazard mapping significantly increases people’s exposure to risks.

“An ounce of prevention is better than a pound of cure,’’ he said.

In Catanduanes, Greenpeace volunteer Tayo blamed illegal mining for the disaster that followed the onslaught of typhoons “Pepito” and “Kristine” last year,

In Albay, Bishop Joel Baylon of the Catholic Diocese of Legazpi—along with other Catholic Church leaders—also blamed quarry operations for the flooding.

Vic Lawrence Moya, a political scientist and a resident of Camarines Norte, also pointed out the irony that relief distribution often peaks just as elections draw near.

The culture of debt of gratitude powers the political machinery of dynasties, making it nearly impossible for new challengers to compete, said Moya.

It is the same in Masbate, said resident Ma. Rizza Francisco, now based in Albay, a student leader advocating for political reforms in the region.

Lagmay has criticized politicians for pushing flood control projects that fail to deliver results. These projects were scrutinized following devastation from typhoons “Kristine” and “Pepito” last year, where Camarines Sur was the hardest hit.

The flood control projects in Sorsogon had also previously come under scrutiny.

The quarry operations of the Cos in Albay

Ako Bicol traces its roots to SOS-Bicol, a non-governmental organization originally formed to assist victims of calamities such as Mayon Volcano eruptions and the frequent typhoons that strike the region.

It would go on to launch the political career of Elizaldy Co, who rose to become a powerful figure in the House of Representatives—until his recent removal in January as chair of the appropriations committee following a controversial budget dispute.

When it joined the party list race in 2010, Ako Bicol received over a million votes and secured three seats for its top three nominees—Co’s brother Christopher Co; Rodel Batocabe; and Alfredo Garbin.

Elizaldy is seeking reelection as the first nominee of Ako Bicol party list group. Christopher is now seeking a fresh term as Albay’s second district representative. Their sister, Farida “Diday” Co, a political neophyte, is now running for vice governor in the province.

Christopher’s daughter Angelica Natasha Co won a House seat in 2022 representing the Barangay Health Workers (BHW) party list group. She is the group’s No. 1 nominee in this year’s midterm elections.

Should they all win, three clan members will be sitting in the House, while one will serve as vice governor.

The party list group maintains its image as a provider of aid, regularly distributing relief during calamities. But the Cos also operate quarries in the province.

Sunwest Group Holding, Inc.—a conglomerate established by the Co family in 1997 with interests in construction, energy, shopping malls, and real estate – operates quarries in Legazpi and Daraga, including the village where Barajas resides.

According to 2020 data from Mines and Geosciences Bureau (MGB), it is also the sole operator with an industrial sand and gravel (ISAG) permit in Albay.

“We cannot deny that this is part of the relentless destruction of the mountains here—the quarrying and the construction of roads through the irresponsible digging of land,” said Bishop Joel Baylon of the Catholic Diocese of Legazpi during a November 2024 press conference, where he urged President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. to probe uncontrolled quarrying in the region.

He joined many Catholic church leaders in blaming the flooding during typhoons like “Kristine” and “Pepito” in 2024 on quarrying operations in Albay.

“That is why there are no more trees whose roots can keep the land stable despite heavy rain,” Baylon said.

The bishop said they wanted the government to regulate, not stop, quarrying in the province.

Quarrying provides livelihood for many families in Albay, but the unchecked extraction of volcanic materials has worsened flooding during typhoons, leaving communities trapped between economic survival and growing environmental risks.

Elizaldy Co claimed to have divested from the corporation after it was linked to controversies involving government contracts, including the Pharmally scandal and the Department of Education’s laptop procurement deal.

But a new investigation by Rappler shows that he and his family remain as active shareholders of business tied to the company.

Rep. Joey Salceda of the second district, known for his “zero casualty” campaign during typhoons, also allowed quarry operations when he was governor from 2007 to 2016.

Salceda’s successor, former governor Noel Rosal, tried to regulate quarry operations in the province. On his first day in office in 2022, Rosal issued Executive Order No. 1, temporarily suspending quarrying operations in the province.

However, quarrying resumed shortly after, with Rosal acknowledging the economic benefits it brought the community.

In Camarines Norte, aid pours in when elections approach

In Camarines Norte, Vic Lawrence Moya, a political science graduate of Bicol University and a resident of the province, said the culture of debt of gratitude fuels the dynasties’ political machinery, making it impossible for new challengers to compete against them.

“If there are candidates who do not come from political dynasties, they lack the machinery to contest the culture of money politics and command popularity votes,” he said.

He said aid from politicians also tends to pour in whenever an election approaches. He recalled how aid was scarce at the height of the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020, but began to pour in as the 2022 campaign period approached.

“In the aftermath of the pandemic, aid continued to be distributed among our residents, but it was most prevalent before the start of the campaign period, usually facilitated by our district representatives,” he said.

Camarines Norte has many enduring political dynasties, including the Padilla, Tallado, and Panotes families.

The Padilla political dynasty has established a significant and lasting presence in Camarines Norte, with its roots dating back to the mid-20th century. Roy Padilla Sr., the family patriarch, held various local and provincial positions before he was assassinated in Labo town in 1988.

Roy Padilla Jr. carried on the family’s political legacy and served as the provincial governor. His brother, actor Robin Padilla, is a senator. Their brother Ricarte “Bong” Padilla is the incumbent governor of Camarines Norte and is seeking reelection.

Padilla’s main opponent, Edgardo Tallado, has also established his family’s political dominance. His wife Josie Tallado currently represents the 1st District in the House, while their son Alvin Tallado has repeatedly run for mayor in Labo.

The tenure of the political dynasty over the last 15 years was haunted by complaints about the elder Tallado’s issuance of quarrying and mining permits to companies.

A complaint submitted to then Local Government Secretary Jesse Robredo in 2012 alleged that Talledo’s issuance of permits to mining companies led to the weakening of soil and dumping of hazardous substances into more than 40 hectares of corals and marine life in the waters off Barangay Bagumbayan.

Robredo investigated the allegations, which Tallado denied. More complaints were filed against Tallado over mining operations in 2014 and 2016.

The DENR has warned that several towns in the province are at risk of soil liquefaction due to mining. In 2024, Camarines Norte was among the provinces hit by widespread flooding.

Moya said residents of Camarines Norte have long been aware of the issues, but continue to vote for the same politicians.

“CamNorteños vote for members of political dynasties every election because we are not given other choices,” Moya said.

Camarines Sur under scrutiny after ‘Kristine’

Camarines Sur also has an enduring political dynasty: the Villafuertes.

Since the martial law era, members of the clan have been swapping positions to keep their control of the province. They have come under criticism over their handling of disaster response.

The Villafuertes were criticized after severe Tropical Storm “Kristine” unleashed flooding in the province last year. In response they claimed that they had been preoccupied with distributing packs of relief goods to their constituents.

Notwithstanding the criticisms against them, seven members of the clan are vying for various local positions on May 12.

Incumbent 2nd District Rep. Luis Raymond “L-Ray” Villafuerte is aiming to switch positions with his son, incumbent Gov. Vincenzo Renato Luigi Villafuerte. His other son, 5th District Rep. Miguel Luis “Migz” Villafuerte, is also seeking reelection.

L-Ray’s wife, Lara Maria Villafuerte, and son, Julio Mari Villafuerte, are listed as nominees of Bicol Saro, a party list group endorsed by actress Yassi Pressman, who is Luigi’s girlfriend.

Toots De Quiros, who is running against Leni Robredo for the mayoral post in Naga City, and Nonoy Villafuerte Magtuto, who is running for the 3rd District Representative post, are cousins of L-Ray.

After “Kristine,” the Senate also inquired into the status of funds for flood protection projects in the Bicol region—P29.4 billion in 2023 and P31.9 billion in 2024

Out of these, Camarines Sur received over P2.175 billion in 2023 and P2.188 billion in 2024 for flood protection and mitigation projects. The projects proved ineffective against flooding on the watch of the Villafuertes.

Lagmay has criticized flood control projects and other expensive infrastructure that fail to deliver results.

“We need to move people out of harm’s way by establishing truly safe evacuation centers. That is more important than allocating resources to flood control solutions that we know have not worked for a long time,” he told PCIJ.

“We have spent so much time and resources on flood control projects, and even when they fail, there is no accountability or responsibility from the authorities. Not learning from our mistakes is a serious oversight,” he said.

Sorsogon flood projects, too

In Sorsogon, before the Covid-19 pandemic, the Hamor political dynasty found itself in the middle of a budget “insertion” controversy involving funding for flood protection projects in Casiguran town.

When Jose Edwin “Boboy” Hamor was mayor of the town, the late Camarines Sur Rep. Rolando G. Andaya Jr. (first district) accused then Budget Secretary Benjamin E. Diokno of allocating funds to Casiguran as a favor to the Hamor family, citing links between the secretary’s daughter to now Sorsogon City Mayor Ester Hamor.

Andaya argued that other provinces were more in need of the funding than Sorsogon.

The Hamors denied allegations of favoritism. The contract was ultimately awarded to Aremar Construction, a company largely owned by “Boboy” Hamor, incumbent Sorsogon governor, and husband of Ester Hamor.

The daughter of Bobby and Ester, Maria Minez “EM” Hamor, is mayor of Casiguran town.

Small scale mining in Catanduanes

Catanduanes also reeled from the devastation of “Kristine” and “Pepito” in 2024.

Greenpeace’s Tayo said continued mining operations in the province have not helped build the province’s resilience. Catanduanes was declared coal mining-free in 2023, but he said small-scale mines continue to operate in remote villages.

Tayo said this is evident In Barangay Dugui in Virac, where he lives. His neighborhood suffered from the onslaught of the two typhoons last year.

“The mining village is consistently ravaged by typhoons due to the absence of essential infrastructure like bridges and the profound environmental degradation in the area,” said Tayo. “This has been a long-standing crisis, yet effective solutions remain elusive.”

Dugui’s geographical isolation further compounds the danger. Residents of this remote community in Virac must navigate rivers and streams to reach safety during storms.

Aside from Dugui, the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) has confirmed illegal coal extraction in Barangay Cabuyoan, Panganiban town. However, only local farmers and residents were identified, while the owners, operators, and even the buyers of the illegally mined coal remained unnamed.

The Cua political dynasty has ruled politics in the province since the 1980s.

Joseph “Boboy” C. Cua is the incumbent governor, while his brother Peter “Boste” C. Cua is the vice governor. Boboy is now vying for Virac mayor while Boste seeks to succeed him as governor.

Masbate’s fault lines

Masbate faces constant threat from active offshore faults running through various towns, including Mandaon, Milagros, Aroroy, Balud, San Fernando, and Monreal.

The DENR in 2023 called for the urgency of reviewing the local government’s long-term development plans, citing reclamation and urbanization projects that have put residents closer to the faults.

“Every election, we hear them promise improvements in the safeguards against calamities,” lamented Ma. Rizza Francisco, a resident of Masbate City.

Francisco, who is now based in Albay, is a student leader advocating for political reforms in the region. “Though residents are aware that such promises never materialize, we have no real alternatives because they monopolize power in our province,” she said.

The Kho family, which has established a near-total monopoly of public office, has allowed mining operations in the province.

Patriarch Antonio T. Kho, a former governor and representative, is now seeking the 1st District congressional seat. His son, incumbent Rep. Richard Kho, is running for governor, while his wife, Vice Gov. Elisa “Olga” Kho, is vying for the 2nd District seat.

Their daughter Olga “Ara” T. Kho is a former mayor and second district representative, and their son Wilton “Tonton” T. Kho is a former third district representative. Wilton’s wife Kristine “Tintin” Salve H. Kho is the mayor of Mandaon town.

Masbate residents rely on the Khos to provide social services and relief aid, said Francisco.

“Out of no choice, people go to their offices or go to their house to ask for medical assistance—which these politicians use to promote patronage politics,” she said.

Even disaster warning signals for the populace have allegedly been used for political gain.

The alleged use of text blast machines by some candidates from the Kho clan for their campaign has prompted a show-cause order from the Commission on Elections.

Lagmay warned that this manipulation of emergency alerts not only raises serious concerns about data privacy and the clan’s overreaching power, but also risks eroding public trust.

This erosion could have catastrophic consequences, endangering residents when genuine calamity warnings need to be communicated urgently and effectively.

“We must not exploit the suffering of others,” Lagmay said. “This platform is designed to alleviate suffering and save lives, not for self-interest and political gain.”

The post In Bicol, political clans aiding victims backed projects blamed for flooding appeared first on CoverStory.

With the win, the Lady Bulldogs are poised to claim their third title in the last four seasons since 2022 when they waited over six decades for their first crown.

“This isn’t our first time playing (in a championship game). For me, the mindset is just to play the way we always do,” Alinsug said in Filipino. She racked up a career-high 21 points in the four-set match, 25-17, 25-21, 13-25, 25-17.

“Our six days of training paid off, and now we have two more days to prepare and take Game 2,” she added.

Her teammate and reigning Most Valuable Player (MVP) Bella Belen nailed a triple-double with 19 points, 15 excellent digs, and 10 receptions, reinforcing her case for a third MVP award in four years.

“We’re not thinking we won today because it’s not yet over. I don’t see my teammates being overconfident,” Belen said in Filipino. “Maybe we’re happy now, but tomorrow we’re back to training.”

NU wasted no time exploiting DLSU’s shaky rhythm in the first set, building a comfortable 22-14 lead with crisp executions and flawless teamwork. DLSU crumbled under pressure with a string of miscues and unforced errors that widened the gap.

Tight Set 2

Set 2 was tightly contested until NU dropped the hammer: a 10–2 run powered by quality bench minutes from Abegail Pono and Arah Panique. Belen caught fire, scoring 4 points out of 6 sequences in a blitz that turned a 6-8 deficit into a 10-9 lead, pushing the bulldogs to a 2-0 advantage.

Set 3 was a must-set win for DLSU as the Lady Spikers gambled by replacing starting setter Mikole Reyes with Julyana Tolentino. Season 85 Rookie of the Year-MVP Angel Canino went full beast mode, exploding a 10-point burst that keyed a 17-6 run, and helped DLSU steal the third set to keep their hopes alive.

The fourth set was filled with errors on both sides, but NU’s composure carried them through to secure the win.

For NU, their win was fueled by familiarity, which is a key ingredient in their winning formula.

“Most of us have played together since high school and continued to college. That’s a huge factor in how we move and play because we know each other so well,” Alinsug said. “I’m really happy because we’re leaving something behind for the younger ones to build on.”

Coach Sherwin Meneses, in his first UAAP Finals appearance, said: “The chemistry of NU is already there… We just need to defend NU’s crown. As coaches, we never get tired of giving them instructions and motivation. Their competitive spirit is already there; we just keep pushing them to bring it out.”

The best-of-three series heads back to Mall of Asia Arena in Pasay City for Game 2 on Wednesday, May 14, at 5 p.m.

Read more: Third time’s a charm: DLSU, NU clash for crown in UAAP women’s volleyball

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FEU could close out the series and take the crown from NU on Wednesday, May 13, in Game 2 at Mall of Asia Arena in Pasay City. It also moves one step closer to ending a nine-season championship drought.

Saavedra produced 23 out of his 25 points from attacks against NU, the league’s second-best blocking team, in Sunday’s clash at Smart Araneta Coliseum in Quezon City.

“For me personally, it’s a good thing that I was able to think clearly, I know NU is the [second] best blocking team so it’s good the way of attacking I thought of was effective, as well as in our defense,” he said in Filipino during the post-match interview.

Team-mate Amet Bituin shone under the bright lights, showing no signs of jitters after pumping 16 points in his first Finals appearance in the collegiate level.

“I really want to thank the Lord for allowing this win to happen to us,” Bituin said. “I really just committed myself to the team; that’s why I really poured my heart out in every set that was given to me.”

Freshman Leo Ordiales anchored NU’s offense, tallying 23 points, with Jade Disquitado backstopping with 17.

Digging deeper

In a battle that went the distance, FEU head coach Eddieson Orcullo and his squad had to dig deep in order to edge out their opponent bent on getting a fifth title.

“We are hungry. Hunger [for the title] sometimes has a lot to do with how you prepare to achieve something. Me, the boys, and even the coaches talked about getting this win because we really prepared for it,” Orcullo said in Filipino.

He praised his team’s ability to bounce back from 33 errors, a point shy from NU’s, and pull out a tight win. “In the fifth set if you can lessen your errors, or even no errors is better,” he said in a mix of English and Filipino.

Conceding a 22-25 opening set, the Tamaraws escaped in the close second frame with a spike from Saavedra igniting a 4-2 charge to bring FEU to set point, 24-22. The standout pummeled FEU’s final point to even the match at one set apiece.

NU struck back in the third right from a point from Ordiales to mount an early five-point lead that exploded to 12 to go up 2-1.

Decider set

FEU gained just enough separation in the fourth, with a power tip from Mikko Espartero putting the Morayta-based squad ahead, 8-3. The late run from the Bulldogs saw the gap shrink to two, 16-18, before an error from Ancheta lifted the Tamaraws to a point away from a decider set.

Buddin saved NU two match points, but his effort proved futile after Ordiales sent the ball straight into the net from the service line. A back-and-forth final set ensued until strikes from Bituin and Saavedra gave FEU breathing space down the stretch, 9-7.

Costly errors from Jeffe Gallego and Jan Abanilla pushed NU deeper in the hole, with a misfire from Buddin at the service line tipping FEU toward match point, 14-12.
Disquitado extended the battle to one more play before Bituin soared and landed the killing blow against the defending champions.

Prepping to close the series on Wednesday, FEU coach Orcullo has a few ideas in mind on how they will stay consistent.

“Maybe we won’t sleep until Wednesday. Maybe we won’t take a bath as well so the luck stays in our bodies,” he said in jest.

Turning serious, Orcullo said he has no plans on slowing down. “Whatever happens on Wednesday, we will put the work in.”

Getting groove back

For NU, it’s all about getting its groove back after a narrow loss despite dominating the first and third sets. “There’s still another game, what’s important is that we have to take this loss and we’ll be complete in the next one,” its head coach Dante Alinsunurin said in Filipino.

Alinsunurin gave credit to FEU’s stand and acknowledged that this loss is what builds the team up to return stronger.

“[To lose,] it’s part of the game. In order to improve we have to see what we are struggling with during the most important games, where we get the twice-to-beat but we have to fight in a do-or-die situation, this is what makes us tougher so that our program grows not only now, but in our next games.”

Buddin, who contributed 10 markers despite a right foot sprain, remained hopeful for his team. “We still have confidence because we’ve seen that we can do it,” he said. “We really just had lapses, like after we became dominant during that set, we became too relaxed. That’s probably why FEU gained momentum.”

While admitting the pain of defeat, he knows that the Bulldogs can bounce back as they regroup before game day starts again.

Read more: NU stages dramatic comeback vs FEU for a reappearance at the finals

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Out of 35 unique altered claims identified by partners of the fact-checking coalition Tsek.ph during the Feb. 11–May 10 campaign period for national positions, 11, or nearly a third, likely involved deepfake technology to impersonate public figures or distort reality.

Political manipulation

A key concern is how high-profile public figures are being exploited to influence Monday’s elections and change public perception around the arrest of former president Rodrigo Duterte, as well as promote financial scams or questionable products. Many of the 11 likely deepfakes identified by Tsek.ph relied on the likeness or voice of prominent personalities. 

Politically motivated deepfakes include a manipulated video of First Lady Liza Araneta-Marcos in a Duterte campaign, an AI-generated endorsement for detained religious leader and Duterte-backed senatorial candidate Apollo Quiboloy, a fabricated feud between tech mogul Elon Musk and President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., and a fake speech in Mandarin by Vice President Sara Duterte.

Among the most recent and attention-grabbing was the deepfake video of the first lady dancing, superimposed onto a political campaign video to falsely imply she was endorsing Duterte’s senatorial slate. The video was created from an image she posted on Facebook while showing off a Marikina bag on a street in Rome where she and her husband had attended Pope Francis’ funeral.

An AI-generated Caucasian-looking avatar, created using Pippit software, was employed in a Facebook video to endorse Quiboloy’s candidacy, combining a digitally fabricated persona with false religious claims.

The deepfake featuring President Marcos Jr. and Musk used manipulated audio and video to construct a false narrative of conflict over a purported cryptocurrency platform, aiming to discredit the current administration.

These deepfakes tap into political divisions, invent foreign support, and exploit celebrity appeal to manipulate voter sentiment. By targeting both allies and rivals of important political figures, these fabrications aim to confuse voters and influence election outcomes.

Red-tagging, ICC narratives, scams

Deepfake technology has also been used to falsely link progressive candidates from the Makabayan Bloc and their allied party-list groups to communist rebels. One video falsely labeled dancing party-list nominees as New People’s Army recruiters. Another showed Rep. France Castro and lawyer Renee Co among supposed insurgents, both bearing arms. This tactic aims to create fear and prejudice among voters, which could reduce their support for these candidates.

Other deepfakes leveraged the arrest and detention of Duterte, who faces trial before the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague for crimes against humanity arising from his war on drugs. An audio-manipulated speech in Mandarin was attributed to his daughter Sara and a fabricated video statement to NBA superstar LeBron James. These AI-generated clips aim to sway sentiment around Duterte’s legal troubles. Duterte is running for mayor in Davao City.

The Commission on Elections has acknowledged the threat of generative AI and harmful content, and released Resolutions 11116 and 11064 to safeguard the integrity of Monday’s elections. Resolution 11064 regulates online campaign materials, mandates disclosure of AI use, and aims to curb disinformation. Resolution 11116 prohibits discriminatory campaign practices like Red-tagging, which deepfakes can amplify.

Deepfakes have also been exploited to promote financial scams and products, leveraging trusted images and voices like ABS-CBN’s Noli de Castro, GMA Network’s Vicky Morales, President Marcos Jr., health advocate Willie Ong, and business tycoons such as Musk and Ramon Ang.

These fakes do more than push scams. They erode public trust, particularly in the media. When news personalities appear in deepfakes, it can make viewers question whether any mainstream news is real, a tactic seemingly designed to undermine journalism, especially during elections.

Our analysis of deepfakes showed a heavy reliance on audiovisual manipulation. Ten of the 11 deepfakes included manipulated audio and 9 tampered with video. This combination—synthetic voice overlays paired with AI-manipulated or wholly generated footage—makes the content more believable and emotionally persuasive. Techniques like face-swapping in videos and generating avatars further enhance the realism of deepfakes. 

Shallowfakes leading the pack

Despite the rise in deepfake usage in the midterm elections, a significant portion of the altered media identified by Tsek.ph continues to be dominated by lower-tech manipulations or shallowfakes. Of the 35 fact checks, 24 involved easier-to-produce formats: altered video clips, doctored images and fabricated social media posts.

Fourteen directly targeted campaigns, including doctored images of candidates endorsing rivals and fabricated videos misrepresenting endorsements and campaign messages. The manipulation extended to altering screenshots of social media posts and repurposing video clips to attack opponents vying for office.

A recent shallowfake repurposed celebrity Vice Ganda’s real endorsement of senatorial candidate Benhur Abalos into multiple videos showing the noontime show host backing 12 senatorial candidates other than Abalos, plus a few non-senatorial candidates. Earlier, an edited image falsely showed Pasig City Mayor Vico Sotto endorsing opponent Sarah Discaya.

The impeachment of Vice President Sara Duterte became another shallowfake hotspot, with eight instances recorded. These manipulations sought to discredit the impeachment process or rally support behind her. Edited videos distorted narratives surrounding the impeachment, tampered images suggested false endorsements or opposition to the proceedings, and fabricated audio clips misrepresented public sentiment on the issue.

Following Duterte’s highly publicized arrest on March 11, three shallowfakes emerged attempting to reshape his legacy and legal challenges. These manipulations discredited testimonies from drug war victims, attacked his political adversaries, and attempted to sway public discourse around his detention. 

Another three shallowfakes exploited the increasing strain between the Marcos and Duterte dynasties. Altered images and video clips dramatizing the rift between the two families were circulated within an already polarized electorate.

Four additional shallowfakes targeted news organizations. These involved altered news reports, fabricated social media posts mimicking the style and branding of legitimate news outlets, and selectively edited video clips portraying news coverage as biased or inaccurate. 

Shallowfakes detected during the campaign period exploited low-barrier techniques. A common method involved misleading voice-overs or other audio layered on real footage. Selective cutting and splicing of footage were frequently used to misrepresent events or statements. Heavily edited screenshots and altered images also spread easily on social media. 

The ease and speed with which these shallowfakes are created and shared online make them a potent and rapidly spreading form of electoral disinformation.

But while shallowfakes remain the dominant form of electoral disinformation, the emergence of AI-driven deepfakes shows they are no longer a distant threat, but a present reality, offering new tools for political manipulation, identity theft and reputational attacks.

Pipo Gonzales is a journalism lecturer at the University of the Philippines Diliman and a member of the Tsek.ph secretariat. Yvonne T. Chua is an associate professor at the same university and serves as Tsek.ph coordinator.

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