Global Esports will take on Korean powerhouse DRX, while Team Secret will face the monumental task of bringing down Master Bangkok champions T1 on April 7. 

Valorant is a 5v5 tactical shooter video game developed by Riot Games, in which two five-member squads try to outwit and outgun each other using weapons and skills on a round-per-round basis.  

A round win is collected whenever a squad “kills off” everyone in the “enemy” team (called an elimination win) or if a faction reaches their goal: Attackers must be able to plant and detonate the Spike (an explosive device) in one of the sites on the map, while Defenders try to prevent this by holding down plant sites, letting the time run out or defusing the Spike. 

Both teams will get a chance to be Attacker and Defender as they switch sides every 12 rounds. A deuce in the 24th round will send the match into overtime; a team must win two consecutive rounds to claim victory.

Each player of a team pilots an Agent armed with unique abilities that they can buy or charge by eliminating players, as well as guns ranging from pistols to rifles to help out in their main objective of reaching 13 round wins.  

The agent’s ability may fit any of four designated roles: Duelist, who is equipped with offensive-oriented tools to aggressively take space; Initiator, who can gather information or set up other teammates for execution; Controller, who provides coverage using smokes; and Sentinel, who leans toward defensive kits that hold off enemies and flanks.

12 teams competing

Filipino-dominated Global Esports and Team Secret are among the 12 teams competing in VCT Pacific, the game’s highest competitive stage in Asia with a prize pool of $50,000 that started on April 2 and ends on May 2. The teams come from Southeast Asia, South Korea, Japan, “South Asia” and “Oceania.”

Aside from the Pacific, the regional tournaments are EMEA (Spain, France, “DACH,” Turkiye and “MENA”) and Americas (“Latin America” and Brazil), each of which involves 12 teams.

The ten-month season (January to October) is divided into three legs—Kickoff, Split 1 and Split 2. During Split 1, a single-round robin group phase, teams are grouped under Omega and Alpha and battle each other in a best-of-three series format. 

The top four teams will advance to the Playoffs, with a double-elimination bracket, on May 6–18. The top three that will secure their spots to Masters Toronto, the prestigious international tournament, on June 7–22 and go up against the other finishers EMEA and Americas. At stake is a prize pool of $1 million, the Masters trophy and championship points.

The teams with the most championship points at the end of the three splits will book their tickets to the culminating event of the season, Champions 2025 Paris, with a prize pool of $2.25 million. The winning team gets $1 million. 

As of now, Global Esports and Team Secret have lost their second game in the tournament. Global Esports (with a one win-one loss card) is in Group Alpha along with BOOM Esports (2-0), DRX (2-0), Gen. G (1-1), Paper Rex (0-2), and Detonation FocusMe (0-2).  

In Group Omega, Team Secret remains winless (0-2), suffering a 2-0 series sweep from Japan’s ZETA Division (1-1) last March 29. Others in the group are T1 (2-0), Nongshim Redforce (1-1), Rex Regum Qeon (1-1), and TALON (1-1). 

‘A little bit scared’

It had a great start, but Team Secret could not close the opening map Lotus, 11-13, before falling short in its comeback attempt in Icebox, 10-13. Its lineup includes initiators Adrian “invy” Reyes and Brheyanne “Wild0reoo” Reyes, in-game leader (IGL) Jessie Cristy “JessieVash” Cuyco, duelist Jeremy “Jremy” Cabrera, and controller James “2GE” Goopio.

“This is not the result that we expected. I think we were a little bit scared. We were not playing our game, we were just reacting to their [ZETA’s] game,” Brheyanne Reyes said after the match.  

Team Secret saw its 11-6 lead fizzle out on Lotus as ZETA mustered a second wind to a 6-0 run and Shota “SugarZ3ro” Watanabe stuck a spike defuse amid a Team Secrets crossfire for a 1-0 series lead.

The Filipinos tried to mount a comeback in Icebox from a 6-12 deficit as a clutch from Cuyco sparked a 4-0 streak to trim the gap to two. Unfortunately, their hopes were dashed in the 23rd round as a scrappy firefight at A site resulted in their team being wiped out as the spike went down. 

Adrian Reyes led the crew with a 45/30/29 series Kill-Death-Assist (KDA) ratio, dropping 27 of his total frags in Lotus alone, while ZETA Division’s Hikaru “CLZ” Mizutani was hailed as the series’ MVP with a 42/27/9 KDA and an Average Combat Score (ACS) of 244 as Sova. 

Rude awakening

In Group Alpha, Global Esports had a rude awakening from its dream start with a 2-0 defeat from Indonesia’s BOOM Esports last March 31. 

The collective comprising Filipinos Kelly “kellyS” Sedillo, Federico “PapiChulo” Evangelista, and Mark “patrickWHO” Musni, Korean duelist Go “UdoTan” Kyung-won and Russian flex player Savva “Kr1stal” Fedorov was clobbered in its map pick Lotus, 1-13, before losing an 11-13 heartbreaker in Haven.

Global Esports’ dominant form in its win against Detonation FocusMe was nowhere to be found in the opening map with BOOM Esports pulling out all the stops at its defending half to limit team captain Kelly “kellyS” Sedillo and company to a lone round win.

The team finally got a foothold in Haven after taking its first pistol win of the series and the round after to put its opposition within striking distance, 6-8. At 9-12, Sedillo singlehandedly wiped out the BOOM squad to get at C site and ace, energizing his squad toward saving three match points. 

Looking to send the map into overtime, Global Esports found its efforts futile as it was gunned down in the retake attempt at C to close out the series, 11-13. Go anchored the crew with 27 kills using Iso, followed by Sedillo who contributed 19 frags with the sentinel pick Cypher.   

Despite the loss, assistant coach Donnie “Elevated” Chell said in a postgame interview: “…We came back on Haven and I’m proud of the boys for fighting on that map.”  

He added: “Couple more rounds go our way there and I think we take the series in three [games], but it didn’t happen today, and we’ll be back stronger [in our next game].”

On the flipside, Hildegard “Shiro” Arnaldo was hailed the series MVP with 21/15/12 KDA and a 260 ACS leading the way for the Indonesia-based squad as Sova.   

Both Team Secret and Global Esports will try to regain ground in the playoffs. They will close out the third week of play with Global Esports facing the undefeated DRX squad while Team Secret gears up against Masters Bangkok titlists T1 on April 7.

The post VCT Pacific: Filipino squads look for rebound after Week 2 misfires appeared first on CoverStory.

Fabricated accounts described his condition as dire: critically low blood pressure (80/50 mmHg), erratic heart rate (up to 110 beats per minute), dangerously high blood sugar (328 mg/dL) and signs of kidney failure. 

With his life said to be hanging in the balance, Duterte was allegedly rushed to the same detention clinic where former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milošević “mysteriously” died in 2006 while being tried for crimes against humanity, genocide and war crimes committed during the Yugoslav Wars of the 1990s. He was reportedly denied proper medication or given “inferior” generic drugs—some allegedly with strong toxic side effects—portraying him as yet another victim of so-called “medical violence,” supposedly like Milošević. 

These narratives, laced with military intrigue and civil unrest, have gained traction across China’s information ecosystem. The pro-China Duterte, who turned 80 on March 28, has been recast not as a controversial leader facing justice but as a martyr of Western oppression—with the Marcos administration painted as complicit. 

Manipulated media, mass protests, military claims 

Agence France-Presse (AFP), a partner of the fact-checking collaboration Tsek.ph, flagged several viral falsehoods circulating on Chinese online platforms after Duterte’s arrest.  

One featured a doctored video of Vice President Sara Duterte supposedly defending her father in fluent Mandarin. The footage, originally from her English-language press briefing outside the ICC in The Hague, was dubbed with Mandarin to appeal to pro-Duterte Chinese audiences. 

Another false claim alleged that Duterte had urged the ICC to prosecute US and Israeli leaders for alleged war crimes. But during his March 14 appearance before the ICC, he merely confirmed his identity and birthdate. The next stage of proceedings is set for Sept. 23. 

AFP also uncovered disinformation using recycled images to falsely depict mass protests backing Duterte or opposing President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.—applying tactics similar to those in the Philippine blogosphere. One video reused a 2015 image from a demonstration held during then President Benigno Aquino III’s final State of the Nation Address, falsely claiming it showed millions of Filipinos demanding Marcos’ resignation. Others misrepresented a January 2025 Iglesia Ni Cristo rally opposing efforts to impeach the vice president and a 2023 antigovernment protest in Warsaw as pro-Duterte demonstrations in Manila. 

Additional posts falsely suggested that the military was mobilizing in support of Duterte. One claimed that troops in Davao City threatened to march on Manila and attack the capital, while another alleged soldiers vowed to “slaughter the Marcos family” over his arrest. AFP traced one of the images to 2017, showing Duterte saluting troops after the Marawi siege. 

Disinfo highways 

AFP found these claims mostly on Weibo, a microblogging platform; video-sharing sites like TikTok, Douyin and Kuaishou; WeChat, a multipurpose app for messaging, social media and payments; and Baijiahao, Baidu’s content platform. Some of the content has also spread to Facebook, X (formerly Twitter) and Threads. 

Further research by the author found more claims on other Chinese platforms: Sina, another microblogging platform; Haokan, a short-video platform; Toutiao, Zhihu, Netease and Sohu, which function as content or information hubs. Erroneous reports also appeared on QQ, an instant messaging service and web portal. 

False reports about Duterte’s rapid health decline—including the hoax that he had fallen into a coma—circulated on Baijiahao, TikTok, Douyin, Netease, Weibo, Zhihu and even X.  

One dramatic account falsely claimed that an ICC judge sneered at Sara Duterte when she attempted to present her father’s medical records, allegedly saying, “Your father is pretending.”  

No such exchange took place, but the fabricated quote sparked outrage in Chinese comment sections and was repeatedly cited as evidence of judicial cruelty. In reality, an ICC doctor had found Duterte mentally aware and medically fit during a checkup. 

Duterte is detained and marked his 80th birthday at the Scheveningen facility, where Milošević was held from 2001 to 2006 while on trial before the ad hoc International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. 

The former Yugoslav leader died in his cell. A United Nations inquiry found that his death was due to natural causes, specifically a heart attack, and not the result of murder, poisoning or external violence.  

‘Civil war’ 

As the volume of posts grew, the framing shifted toward open conflict. 

The term “civil war” began to recur, with claims that the Philippines was either on the brink of full-scale turmoil or already mired in “small-scale” internal strife. 

False narratives of military dissent proliferated. Posts alleged that seven military commanders had “defected,” while others claimed that soldiers had publicly declared they would defy Malacañang, supposedly saying, “Gun barrels do not recognize the President’s order.” 

Some Chinese netizens also claimed that guns and ammunition were becoming scarce in the Philippines, with black market prices in Mindanao allegedly tripling overnight. 

According to these posts, the rising anger was partly fueled by the Senate’s supposed decision on March 20 declaring Duterte’s arrest legal, and by the Duterte family’s reported decision to “give up the parliamentary struggle.” 

In fact, it was officials from the executive branch who told the Senate foreign relations committee—convened by Marcos’ sister, reelectionist senator Imee Marcos—that the arrest was legal. 

Senator Marcos later withdrew from the administration’s senatorial slate, Alyansa para sa Bagong Pilipinas, citing Duterte’s arrest. On March 28, she announced that her committee had found “glaring violations” in the handling of the former president’s arrest. 

‘Quid pro quo’ 

Amid the swirl of Duterte-related disinformation on Chinese digital media platforms, a parallel narrative emerged—this time involving First Lady Liza Marcos.  

Unverified claims began circulating not only among Filipinos but also among Chinese netizens, suggesting that Marcos was briefly detained by US customs officers at Los Angeles International Airport on March 11 (other accounts said March 12), the day Duterte was arrested by Interpol.  

According to one widely shared post, she was subjected to a humiliating bag search and treated “like a suspect.” Some posts framed the incident under the sensational headline, “First Lady detained for drug-related offenses,” while others linked it to the death of Paolo Tantoco, an executive of Rustan Commercial Corp., in Los Angeles, California. Tantoco’s wife, Dina, serves as deputy social secretary at the Office of the President. 

Malacañang has denied that the first lady was held by law enforcers in the United States, saying she returned to Manila on March 10 after participating in events held in Miami, Florida, and Los Angeles, California, from March 5 to 8. 

Despite official denials, scattered posts about Mrs. Marcos’ alleged detention were woven into a broader theory circulating on Chinese platforms: that the United States had pressured President Marcos Jr. into cooperating with the ICC in exchange for “accommodation” in his wife’s case, including possible release or legal leniency. 

‘Token of allegiance’ 

In online discussions, the alleged quid pro quo was also framed as a “token of allegiance.” Under this framing, Duterte—viewed as a longtime China-leaning figure and critic of US military influence—was the price Marcos paid to signal a pivot toward a more openly anti-China foreign policy in return for US support. 

The narrative has taken hold in parts of China’s online sphere, where Duterte’s arrest is seen not as justice, but as a strategy allegedly orchestrated by the US, with Marcos portrayed as a willing partner. 

Strangely, while some posts explicitly accused the US of manipulating both the ICC and the Marcos government to provoke regional conflict and consolidate its global hegemony, others revived former US president Donald Trump’s 2018 speech at the United Nations General Assembly shortly after Duterte’s arrest.  

In that speech, Trump criticized the international tribunal, saying, “As far as America is concerned, the ICC has no jurisdiction, no legitimacy and no authority. The ICC claims near-universal jurisdiction over the citizens of every country, violating all principles of justice, fairness and due process. We will never surrender America’s sovereignty to an unelected, unaccountable global bureaucracy.” 

Several Chinese accounts inserted the voice clip into an unrelated video of Trump in the Oval Office wearing a yellow tie, falsely presenting it as his reaction to Duterte’s arrest. Trump has not commented on the incident. Footage from his 2018 speech, where the audio was taken, shows he was wearing a red tie. 

Countering Sino disinfo 

China has enacted a wide-ranging set of laws and administrative measures to curb disinformation, particularly in the online space. 

Under China’s Criminal Law, individuals found guilty of spreading false information that disrupts public order or harms reputations may face imprisonment or fines. The law imposes specific penalties for fabricating reports about disasters, epidemics or public security incidents—acts seen as particularly destabilizing. 

The Cybersecurity Law and related content regulations require platforms to monitor and remove false or harmful content that may disrupt social stability, with penalties ranging from hefty fines and operational suspension to license revocations.  

More recent provisions, including the 2023 deep synthesis regulations, target AI-generated disinformation, mandating clear labeling of synthetic content and enabling criminal charges for deep fakes used in fraud or defamation. 

Fact-checking initiatives have also emerged within this ecosystem. For instance, The Paper, a digital publication run by the state-owned Shanghai United Media Group, has also debunked misleading claims of dissent within the Philippine military following Duterte’s arrest.  

Despite China’s legal architecture and fact-checking attempts, disinformation continues to thrive across China’s digital landscape. 

In a 2022 interview, Jia Qingguo, a member of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference and former dean of Peking University’s School of International Studies, warned that rampant disinformation in China was not only polarizing Chinese public opinion but also fueling tensions between China and other countries. 

Yvonne T. Chua is an associate professor of journalism at the University of the Philippines Diliman and the project coordinator of Tsek.ph.

Read more: Duterte arrest sparks disinformation surge, spinning tales in his favor

The post Chinese online platforms swirl with Duterte arrest disinfo appeared first on CoverStory.

But those who love Lola Quitang did not forget. The fire reignited their resolve to share with more Filipinos her remarkable life as a patriotic poet and leader of women of Ilocos Norte.

They believe there is value in remembering the woman whose initiative led to the declaration of Mother’s Day in 1921, who played a leading role in the campaign for the Filipino women’s right to vote in her province, and who pioneered the establishment of puericulture centers to take care of mothers and children in Ilocos Norte. 

All these she accomplished while she wrote a set of poetry that earned her the title of Poetess of Ilocandia.

To spread her legacy, her kin came up with a coffee table book titled “Enriqueta de Peralta: A Woman Ahead of Her Time.”

Enriqueta was indeed ahead of her time. The book’s cover photo shows her driving a tractor in her “baro’t saya.” According to the book, marketing people invited her to be a model to sell tractors to farmers because of her civic work and prominent role as a suffragette. Her town, Dingras, with its vast fertile plains, is also known as the rice granary of Ilocos Norte.

The book, published by Minda de Peralta Acacio Garcia, a grandniece of Enriqueta, chronicles her life in two parts, from her birth on July 15, 1882, to her death on April 13, 1940. The first focused on her family and sociocivic work, and the second delved on her poetry.

The book has had three launches—first, at the Bonifacio Global City in Taguig, Metro Manila, and then at the Philippine consulates in New York City and Hawaii. These were held in collaboration with the International Professional Association of Dingras (IPAD), an organization of the town’s top and young professionals which weighs in on relevant issues affecting the community.

IPAD organized another one at the Dingras Civic Center last March 22, during the fiesta of Dingras. Ilocos Norte Vice Gov. Cecilia Araneta-Marcos led officials and guests, including officers of the distinguished women’s organization Zonta Club of Ilocos Norte. 

During the ceremony, IPAD also honored outstanding professionals of Dingras and welcomed to its fold a select set of young professionals.

The day started with wreath-laying rites at the Enriqueta’s monument. It was officiated by Rev. Fr. Rogelio-Cornelio Molina in the presence of town officials led by Dingras Vice Mayor Erdio E. Valenzuela, Patricia de Peralta Quiason and Raoul de Peralta who both represented the De Peralta descendants, and IPAD officials led by its president, Reynaldo L. Saludares, and chair, Marilyn Baquiran.

Her marker partly read: “Nagharap sa Pambansang Kumbensyon ng Women’s Club ng Panukalang Magkaroon ng Araw ng mga Ina at Kasamang Nagtaguyod sa Lehislatura ng Karapatan ng Kababaihan sa Pagboto.”

The life-size monument was commissioned by the National Historical Commission of the Philippines (NHCP) in 1989. It is found along Peralta street, Barangay Albano, at the corner of the lot where the ancestral house of the De Peraltas used to stand, and has remained standing and untouched by the fire.

New York-based Patricia Quiason, the granddaughter of Enriqueta’s brother Abraham, gave a slide presentation on the highlights of Enriqueta’s life. She had actively engaged her first cousin Minda in jumpstarting the publication of the book. Together, they pulled in interested kin and friends to piece together the life of their accomplished elder.

Fortunately, important documents and photos had been copied by Minda’s daughter Katrina Garcia Diaz before the fire.

One may question the relevance of highlighting her work and the origin of celebrating Mother’s Day in the Philippines when the world now celebrates this occasion on the second Sunday of May and the cyberworld explodes with affectionate Mother’s Day greetings.

This is answered in the book which points to the Filipino core value of family where “solid mutual relationship is bound by love, understanding and respect toward each family member, especially the mother who manages the household and takes care of the family.”

On the pages leading to 1921 Circular No. 33 that designated the first Monday of every December as Mother’s Day, and which assigned the Bureau of Education in charge of the national celebration, the book showed the photo of American Governor Charles Yeater signing the order, as initiated by the Women’s Club of the Province of Ilocos Norte led by Enriqueta de Peralta.

Commonwealth President Manuel L. Quezon later reiterated the first Monday of December as Mother’s Day. President Corazon Aquino changed the date to the second Sunday of May under Proclamation No. 266 to coincide with the United States’ Mother’s Day. However, President Joseph Estrada officially moved the celebration back to December.

Today, the May celebration continues to be the one observed in the Philippines like many other countries. But there are still elders who fondly remember coming to school with cadena de amor or pink carnations pinned on their chest to honor their mothers in December. Those with deceased mothers pinned white carnations.

Mover for women suffrage

More photos and documents referring to the vital support of women’s suffrage by the Women’s Club of the Province of Ilocos Norte with Enriqueta as president are shown in the book.

The chapter, “The Women’s Suffrage and Movement,” focused on her “vigorous effort” to support the plebiscite on women’s suffrage in the Ilocos Region as well as in Nueva Vizcaya, Isabela, and Cagayan. “Her enthusiasm for organizing parades helped in attracting more women to her campaign,” the book cited.

The involvement of the Ilocos Norte club became pivotal when “the initial efforts for the passage of the women’s suffrage seemed to hit a stalemate in the Philippine legislature.”

Speaking to guests at the launch, Vice Governor Araneta-Marcos said she considers herself a “beneficiary of her (Enriqueta’s) advocacies.”

“As a woman I am now able to run for office…I am inspired by her as a public servant,” she said, adding that, as she campaigns for governor in the coming May elections, she is “more able to embrace that role” with the backdrop of Enriqueta’s admirable work.

Earlier at the New York City book launch, Consul General Senen Mangalile drew three lessons learned from the woman leader’s life. “First, we learn the power of purpose,” he said, adding that her work was rooted in the conviction that “communities thrive when their women are empowered, heard, and celebrated.”

He said her life also showed that “true leadership comes with willingness to serve” and that it provides a sterling reminder that “creativity and advocacy are powerful allies.”

The book outlined her ways of harnessing support from women and fighting for rightful positions for able-minded representation of her province’s issues impacting women.

Enriqueta was the fifth of eight children of Isidoro de Peralta and Monica Guerrero who were known for their patriotism. They were staunch members of the Iglesia Filipina Independiente which has its roots in the resistance movement against Spanish rule and is now also known as Aglipayan Church. 

She was one of six girls, all of whom were unmarried. She had two brothers Abraham and Ceferino, whose children Enriqueta doted on.

Her only niece, Filipinas de Peralta Acacio Guerrero, actively followed in her footsteps in civic work, and ensured that her accomplishments were recognized by the NHCP.

Minda, Filipinas’ daughter, also renders civic work as an active member of Soroptimist International of Greater Manila. She was a past president and former international director of the prestigious women’s club. In the book introduction, she wrote that by publishing the book, she hopes to “carry the torch forward so that she may continue to inspire the youth…and to encourage those with a sense of patriotism and a calling for service to others.”

Growth of puericulture centers in Ilocos

Starting as secretary of the local women’s club in 1918, Enriqueta became its president a year after. In 1920, she was appointed auditor of the Rural Credit Association (RCA) of Ilocos Norte and had since become a model for women who can have roles in improving the socioeconomic conditions of the region.

The Philippines Free Press, in April that year, cited members of the RCA as “advanced agents of economic independence…as they are as much patriots…concerned about the welfare of their people.”

Enriqueta’s work with women spurred her to build puericulture centers in various municipalities of Ilocos Norte and northern Luzon. She was president of the centers before they were absorbed by the Department of Health.

She also enlisted the services of her nephew, Dr. Rizal Guerrero de Peralta, to render free medical service to the puericulture centers as he grew his own specialization in tuberculosis cure. Dr. De Peralta was posthumously honored as one of the three 2025 Most Outstanding Professional of Dingras awardees.

Dr. De Peralta was a compassionate physician who set up the region’s first X-ray and fluoroscopy unit and used the lower floor of his house in Laoag as a haven for the sick, especially the farmers. He funded scholarships at the Peralta Elementary School and built the Laoag Rural Bank driven by altruism. 

He survived the Bataan Death March of World War II where he was a medical officer of the US Armed Forces of the Far East. Responding to the clamor to serve in government, he ran for Ilocos Norte congressman but lost to then rising politician Ferdinand E. Marcos.

In Enriqueta’s report in 1936 which she delivered before stepping down as 13-year president of the Ilocos Norte women’s club, she credited her success in providing maternal and prenatal child care and other health services to the unity and strength of members of the women’s club. She died four years later of breast cancer.

It would be “a fascinating conversation,” said Araneta-Marcos, if she would have the chance to speak to Enriqueta about the current times.

Vice Mayor Valenzuela, for his part, cited Enriqueta as “a woman of great intellect, compassion, and courage” and using “her words to challenge societal roles, to lift others up, and to preserve the rich cultural heritage of Ilocanos.”

Writing as a curious descendant who is “blown away” by her achievements, Patricia Quiason posed in the book’s postscript a set of lingering questions about her grand-aunt’s life. She wrote: “The patriotic sentiments of her family are documented in this book. Was she deeply enmeshed in this environment that she might have influenced her brother Abraham and his wife Rosa to name their second son, Rizal, and their only daughter, Filipinas? Did she also influence Rizal to become a doctor, to follow in her favorite hero’s footsteps?”

This question about her own father, Dr. De Peralta, may have popped up again in her head as she walked up the stage to receive the award on behalf of her siblings, Roberto de Peralta, a pilot who was a member of the famed Blue Diamonds team of the Philippine Air Force, Enriqueta Burton, Virginia Dolorico Claudio de Peralta, and Marisa de Peralta Kawauchi.

Patriotic fervor in poetry

In relation to her grand-aunt’s poetry, Patricia Quiason also asked, “Where did she learn the depth of understanding of the Spanish language to capture quite eloquently in Ilocano the sentiments expressed by Jose Rizal?”

Enriqueta created poems many of which extolled the valor of heroes and brought out the virtues of womanhood. She also translated into Ilocano two poems Jose Rizal wrote in Spanish, one of which was “Mi Ultimo Adios.”

Dr. Marcelino Foronda, Ilocano historian, was cited in the book, noting that she has been consistently represented in anthologies of Ilocano poetry dwelling on patriotic themes. Lilia Quindoza-Santiago, a prominent writer on Ilocanos, was also cited, identifying her poem on the Philippine flag as one of her best works.

Quite fittingly as an intermission number for the Dingras launch, a feisty set of elderly members of IPAD chose to render the poem entitled “Ti Wagaywaytayo.”

Translated in English by Cynthia Espejo Fonacier Capunitan, its last stanza cries out questions: “Our beloved, most adored flag, where are you? We’re in search of peace, we’re longing for joy; Emancipated, will we return to your side? Unchain us from bondage, recoup our lost freedom!”

For copies of the coffee table book, “Enriqueta de Peralta: A Woman Ahead of Her Time,” please contact Mrs. Minda Garcia at (02) 8532-3061

The post Enriqueta de Peralta: poetess, suffragette and Mother’s Day initiator appeared first on CoverStory.

During the official launch of the Alyansa ng Nagkakaisang Mamamayan (ANIM) in Manila on Aug. 24, 2024, Baguio Mayor Benjamin Magalong declared that political dynasties will have no place in Baguio. 

“Iba kasi sa Baguio eh. Alam mo, ang Baguio, hindi talaga naniniwala sa political dynasty (Baguio is different. You know, in Baguio, people really don’t believe in political dynasties),” he said. 

“Very strong ang kanilang sentiments against political dynasty kaya walang nagkakaroon ng political dynasty (Their sentiments against political dynasties are very strong, which is why no political dynasty has taken root),” he added. 

ANIM is a multisectoral coalition advocating for key national issues, including the dismantling of political dynasties. 

Magalong’s remark came as political tension hung over Baguio like the August fog. Baguio Rep. Mark Go is currently serving his third and last consecutive term representing the city’s lone district. While it had been widely expected that his wife would run in his place, Go remained silent about his political plans. 

The filing of COC opened two months later. On Oct. 3, Soledad “Sol” Go filed her COC for Baguio representative, joined by five local candidates from the “Maka-Baguio Tayo” (MBT) team. 

Four days later, Representative Go also filed his candidacy for mayor with the rest of the “MBT” team, including his choice for vice mayor, Councilor Mylen Yaranon. 

Magalong filed for a third term as mayor after the Go couple. 

The city elections became even more eventful when, almost at the last hour of the final day of COC filing, Mauricio Domogan—a six-term mayor and three-term congressman—filed his candidacy for the district seat at the House of Representatives. 

In 2022, 80-year-old Domogan was defeated by Magalong in the mayoral race and many thought that he already sang his swan song. 

After the smoke cleared, there was a record number of candidates in both the mayoral and congressional races in Baguio. There are six candidates running for mayor including councilor Benny Bomogao and three other independents. 

Go and Domogan are running against five others, including former Rep. Nicasio Aliping, former vice mayor Gladys Vergara, lawyer Francis Camtugan and Councilor Isabelo Cosalan. 

“Vergara is the daughter of Bernardo Vergara, a longtime ally of Domogan. The two alternated in Baguio’s top posts for nearly three decades. Although Vergara has aligned herself with Magalong, the mayor chose Cosalan as his running mate under the Good Governance team. 

Magalong has since remained silent on the political dynasty issue, but Baguio political groups on Facebook and Reddit continue to discuss it. 

Representative Go also drew criticism after describing his and his wife’s candidacies as a form of “synergy.” It was a very hard decision, Go said upon filing, after weeks of indecision. 

Seeing a husband and wife run for office simultaneously is a first for Baguio voters, according to Karin Bangsoy, political science instructor at the University of the Philippines Baguio. 

Studies by Filipino political scientists have consistently described political dynasties using terms like “fat” and “thin.” The first refers to political families with several members occupying different positions in government at the same time. The latter refers to “singular positions being occupied by different family members at different times.” 

“The latter is not new in Baguio, which has seen the offspring of key political names also have their time in the spotlight. The former, however, is somewhat new for Baguio’s political consciousness, at least in recent memory. This may help to explain some of the backlash,” Bangsoy said. 

Despite the criticisms, political dynasties were not among the top concerns of the city’s youth population, based on a survey conducted at the start of the year. 

It showed that high cost of living (30%), traffic congestion (28%), poor public transportation (11%), unreliable water and energy supply (8%) and even fake news and apathy (5%) were their main concerns. The survey was conducted by the Baguio Youth for Good Governance. 

Magalong has pledged to address some of these concerns. He proposed a congestion fee to help ease traffic in the business district and pushed for the development of a mall in the city market—two projects that were rejected by the opposition, which now counts Go as an ally. 

It’s hard to say whether the May polls will serve as a referendum on how Baguio accepts or rejects political dynasties, but they could reshape the city’s political landscape. 

Read more: Cordillera’s cultural norms push back against political dynasties

The post Will Baguio voters open the door to a political dynasty? appeared first on CoverStory.

It took the 19-year-old years of sweat and training with her coaches from Rafa Nadal Academy, which she joined at the early age of 12.

In a recent Instagram post, Eala talked about how last week’s Miami Open has left her “speechless and so full of emotion, mostly pride and gratitude,” after bowing out in a decider against world No. 4 Jessica Pegula of the United States, 6-7, 7-6, 3-6.

Pegula eventually lost to the top-seeded and world No. 1 Aryna Sabalenka of Belarus, 5-7, 2-6, in the finals last Saturday. 

“I’m proud of myself for pushing through those tough moments, as well as to have been able to make a statement for the Philippines in one of the biggest stages of tennis,” Eala said.

It was in the Miami Open where Eala made history as the first Filipino tennis player to defeat three Grand Slam champions—Jelena Ostapenko (world No. 25) of Latvia, Madison Keys (No. 5) of the United States, and Iga Swiatek (No. 2) of Poland—and break through the top 100 of the Women’s Tennis Association (WTA) rankings.

She received praise for her feats from not only tennis fans around the globe but also fellow Filipino athletes such as Olympians Hidilyn Diaz and EJ Obiena, and eight-division world champion Manny Pacquiao.

“You may not have made the finals, but you won the hearts of the world, Alex Eala!” Pacquiao wrote on X (formerly Twitter). “The whole nation is proud. This is just the beginning. Keep fighting and inspiring. You’ve shown the heart of a true champion. Laban lang! The future is bright for you. Proud na proud kami sa’yo! #PinoyPride!” 

Former world No. 1 tennis player Chris Evert also took to X to commend Eala’s fighting spirit during the tournament, saying: “Incredible that Alex Eala still has anything left in her considering the teen has beaten 3 Grand Slam Champs.”

The Filipino tennis sensation continued to convey her heartfelt gratitude for all the support she has received over the past weeks: “Moreover, I’m thankful for all the positivity coming my way, and I pray that you all continue sending support through the highs and lows. Salamat sa lahat ng pagdadasal at magagandang mensahe.”

Her gratitude came with an acknowledgment of what lies ahead: “I recognize that these two weeks have opened the door to so many opportunities for me, but along with those opportunities come a whole new set of obstacles I will have to navigate through.” 

Having soared to the 75th spot from 140 in the WTA rankings, Eala is now guaranteed a spot in the main draw of this year’s remaining grand slams, with the French Open beginning in May, Wimbledon in June, and the US Open in August. 

“The real work starts now,” she said.

For now, the Filipino tennis star looks to enjoy her downtime and to ensure that she will be ready for the Madrid Open that starts on April 22.

“I think my wish is to play something before that (Madrid Open),” Rafa Nadal Academy coach Joan Bosch told ANC about his ward on Monday. “But we still need to sit and see, to check the body and everything. I want to see that ankle and talk to her how are the feelings, the motivation.” 

“She’s a young player considering the WTA. We’re working on goals that if we can achieve, then she will be competing there in the next five years,” Bosch said. 

He said some of these goals “are still not done.”

The post After making history in the Miami Open, Alex Eala buckles down to ‘real work’ appeared first on CoverStory.

“During my first term, I was subjected to catcalling during a photoshoot, and I heard my male colleagues placing bets on me. I heard them say ‘1,500’ or ‘2,000,’” she said.

Valdez was only 28 years old when she entered politics. As a young woman, unlike a man, she has had to exert double, if not triple, the effort to be heard in official meetings. 

“You have to stand your ground in dealing with these challenges,” she said. “You deal with the situation by not turning your back on what you’re fighting for, but you have to be creative and innovative in championing [your causes].” 

Valdez is one of three female public servants in Candon, the other two being the vice mayor and another councilor. In the provincial government of Ilocos Sur, all elected officials are male but for two female board members. 

The Philippine Commission for Women concluded in 2020 that at the national level, women’s participation and representation in politics are at best a paltry 26% of elected posts. 

Angat Bayi

The need for the greater number and power of women in Philippine politics prompted the ideation of the Angat Bayi Women’s Political Empowerment and Fellowship program, also known as Angat Bayi, which is dedicated to elected female leaders in the Philippines like Valdez.

“Angat Bayi started with the general purpose of having women elected leaders fully and meaningfully participate in the political space,” said Aya Tamayo, Bayi Inc. co-executive director for operations.

The program started in 2018 under the University of the Philippines’ Center for Women’s Studies Foundation Inc. It was first envisioned by Maya Tamayo, its co-founder and program manager, who was then pursuing a master’s degree in women and development. 

It has since provided a safe space for elected women leaders through the support of various partners such as the Canadian Embassy, Angat Buhay Foundation and other advocacy-oriented entities.

Angat Bayi grew into an independent nongovernment organization, Bayi Inc. (The word “bayi” directly translates to “woman” in Bisaya, Tamayo pointed out.) It should not be confused with former vice president Leni Robredo’s Angat Buhay Foundation, with which it partnered in its early years of implementation. 

The program employs the transformative feminist leadership framework in advancing gender equality amid the patriarchal structure and power imbalance in Philippine politics. It is also aimed at doing away with the “bench warming phenomenon” in which “women are used by their husband, father, or other men family members to reserve positions until the male relative can run.”

Said Tamayo: “When we talk about gender equality or women empowerment, we often forget the power dynamics between men and women. How do women politicians fare with the discrimination and subordination in politics?” 

3-course program

Since 2018, Angat Bayi has empowered more than 120 elected women leaders, covering more than 47 local government units in the country. 

Under the program, each Angat Bayi batch begins with a call for nomination of potential fellows. Nominees are screened down to 20 participants per batch; they will undergo three courses, each taking five days and four nights with at least a month in between. 

In the first course, the participants reflect on their experiences as public servants and delve into the theoretical knowledge of transformative feminist leadership. In the second course, they are tasked to develop a “Likang Bayi” project that they can implement in their respective government units. 

The third course is where each participant implements her capstone project, applying the knowledge gained from the program. 

At the end of each course comes an interview in which the participants share their learnings and expectations. Under such a system, the program is curated to the participants’ needs, so that they are guided in transitioning from theoretical learning to practical application. This ensures that each Angat Bayi batch births local programs forwarding women’s rights in their respective communities. 

Valdez, who was among the first-batch fellows, implemented Candon’s own Angat Bayi Young Women’s Political Empowerment Fellowship Program (or Young Bayi) alongside Bayi Inc., Candon Youth for Empowerment Movement, and other partners. Patterned from the original program, Young Bayi caters to young women interested in taking up a government role in the future. 

The first batch of Young Bayi graduated in 2019; the second batch is still undergoing the courses this year. “Our ultimate goal is for them to take up space and run for public office,” Valdez said, remarking on the importance of “pacing” and of “starting them young, especially those with potential to lead.”

This year, the program involving school-based leaders is taking place in partnership with Barangay Banayoyo in Ilocos Sur.

“This second batch is just supposed to be a ‘barangay Bayi,’ but others have expressed interest. So we opened it up to include other people in Ilocos Sur,” Valdez said.

Solo parents

Lanao del Sur public information officer Salma Jayne Tamano joined Angat Bayi in 2023. She lobbied for the local implementation of the recently passed Republic Act No. 11861, or the Expanded Solo Parent Welfare Act. 

“I know for a fact that in Lanao del Sur, there is no institutionalized program for solo parents,” Tamano said. 

Through the local implementation of RA 11861, government units up to the barangay level are mandated to provide benefits to solo parents, such as 10% discount and value-added tax exemption on selected goods, a monthly allowance, seven-day solo parent leave, quarterly welfare packages, and prioritization in livelihood opportunities.

About 14,000 solo parents will be qualified for such benefits beginning in 2026, Tamano said.  

Tamano was a divorced solo parent before she remarried this year. She is thankful for having a well-paying job that supported her family, but pointed out that others do not enjoy such a privilege. “The government must do something,” she said.

According to Tamano, It is fortunate that Lanao del Sur Gov. Mamintal Alonto Adiong Jr. was once a solo parent. She thinks this factor contributed heavily to the local implementation of the law, even if discussing experiences involving divorce is considered taboo in Maranao society. 

Tamano said the governor had initially feared that the law would be for naught if divorcees refused to come forward, yet pursued it for their rights. “They should know that there is a law for them,” she said. “Why should you be ashamed when you need the services of the government? It is a reality that there are solo parents.”

Sisterhood

For Valdez, Angat Bayi is not just a program but a haven for women to embrace their womanhood and empower one another.  

“It became a family,” she said. “It created meaningful bonds and relationships among the people behind it and, of course, us sisters. The sisterhood that we formed during the fellowship is, for me, one of its most cherished parts.” 

Valdez and her sisters are organizing a network of women leaders not exclusive to Angat Bayi graduates, to serve as a strong ground of support for women in terms of transformative feminist leadership. 

“I know how it feels to be marginalized and to not be supported in a lot of areas. When there’s a woman who is struggling to claim space, you empower her when you offer your support and guidance to her,” she said, adding: 

“This will not end with Angat Bayi. We will always reach out to more communities, not just our localities, to be able to advance the agenda of strengthening women’s political participation in the Philippines.”

Read more: Cordillera’s cultural norms push back against political dynasties

The post Women politicians claim their space in male-dominated public governance appeared first on CoverStory.

But the Cordillerans who joined the St. Louis Fair in Missouri in 1904 were the first to cast their votes. That being an election year in the United States, the Igorot people in the fair were made to place a bean in either one of two gangsa (gongs), which had the faces of Theodore Roosevelt and Alton B. Parker.

Most of the Cordillerans chose the eventual winner, the Republican Roosevelt, who won by a landslide across the United States.

Although the contest was just for show, it showed that the Cordillerans were, even then, outliers when it came to politics. It was the only region that resisted Spanish colonialism, keeping its indigenous political DNA more or less intact.

And while the country is now plagued by the issue of political dynasties, Cordillera remains largely rooted in its indigenous forms of governance with political dynasties as an experimentation of sorts.

Historical resistance to political dynasties

Kurt Zeus Lequit Dizon, a political science instructor at Saint Louis University in Baguio City, said there is a correlation between the colonizer’s political maneuvering or non-maneuvering and the region’s collective political upbringing.

“While some Spaniards collaborated with local elites or upper classes in the Cordillera, these elites never gained the level of economic dominance required to meet one of the key prerequisites of a modern political dynasty,” Dizon told the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ).

“On the other hand, the Americans made significant efforts to integrate the Cordillera into the broader Filipino society and have deeper collaboration with local elites than the Spaniards. However, by this time, it was too late for these elites to catch up with the already entrenched lowland dynasties, which had benefited from centuries of colonial spoil system and consolidation,” he added.

Indigenous peoples’ modes of governance, such as the tongtongan of Benguet, dap-ay in Mountain Province, and boding in Kalinga and Upper Abra, withstood or at least adapted to the Spanish, American, Filipino, or so-called lowlander political intrusion.

These indigenous governance structures are communal and participatory. They are headed mostly by older men, and the handling of the bodong or the peace pact and dispute resolution system is mostly passed to families.

In the Cordillera region, the transfer of elected positions within a single family across generations is not generally frowned upon. However, it can become contentious when multiple family members seek office at the same time, as seen in the current controversy in Baguio.

Karin Codiase Bangsoy, another young political science instructor at the University of the Philippines Baguio, said that the Cordillera cultural norms rather than the governing institutions have been more persuasive in limiting political dynasties in the region.

“The dap-ay, tongtongan, and bodong are community mechanisms for resolving disputes, preserving peace, and discussing salient issues within the locality. On the other hand, the rise of political dynasties are mostly functions of family or clan wealth and social prominence,” said Bangsoy.

“So, in the first place, these mechanisms may not be the main limiting factor for political dynasties in the central Cordillera. Cultural norms may be another factor; a much-quoted idea is ‘adi tako bokodan di gawis’ (Let us not keep the good for ourselves only), which may be one of those norms that work to keep entire families from holding office out of shame (bain or inayan),” she added.

“Adi tako bokodan di gawis” was adopted by Sagada town as its motto, emphasizing communal sharing with gawis having both the meaning of goodness and beauty. This phrase also leads to og-ogbo or mutual help, similar to bayanihan especially when it means heavy labor.

Og-ogbo also extends to campaigning, as candidates in Benguet towns often campaign together, allowing voters to compare their views and promises, and enabling the candidates to jointly contribute to the slaughter of a pig, which townspeople later partake in together.

Candidates in central Cordillera

In interior Cordillera—such as the provinces of Benguet, Ifugao, Mountain Province, and Kalinga—the old political names like the Cosalans, Dominguezes, and Lumauigs have ceased to be dominant.

Benguet

Only Nelson Dangwa, who is running for vice governor in Benguet, is the last holdout. The reign of the Dangwas began when the illustrious Bado Dangwa, the founder of Dangwa Bus, became governor from 1953 until 1963. Bado was replaced by his nephew Samuel, who was vice governor from 1972 until 1980 before becoming a representative from 1976 to 2010. His son Nelson was a reluctant successor, rising only to vice governor.

In the gubernatorial race, incumbent Gov. Melchor Diclas faces a challenge from his former vice governor, Johnny “Jowa” Waguis. Former Tublay mayor Ruben Paoad enters the race as a dark horse, while businessman George Punasen rounds out the four-way contest.

The congressional race is being closely watched this year, with incumbent Rep. Eric Go Yap going up against Vice Gov. Ericson “Tagel” Felipe. Both have fielded full slates at the provincial and municipal levels.

Yap, a former party list representative for ACT-CIS, became Benguet’s legislative caretaker in January 2020 when Rep. Nelson Fongwan died of an illness. Yap’s outsider status became an issue when he ran for a second term in 2022, but he won handily against Itogon Mayor Victorio Palangdan.

Yap’s brother, Edvic, succeeded him as representative of ACT-CIS and is now seeking re-election. If both win in the May elections, Benguet could play a part in solidifying the rise of the Yap political dynasty—one that, like the Tulfos and Sottos, does not necessarily rely on a provincial stronghold.

Yap’s battle with Felipe is a battle between influential leaders in the House of Representatives. Yap’s predecessor, Ronald Cosalan, became chair of the House committee on public works and highways. Yap himself became chair of the House committee on public appropriations in 2020.

In Baguio, the congressional and mayoral races are also being closely watched. Voters will decide whether to allow a husband and wife to occupy the city’s top posts.

Outgoing Rep. Mark Go is among the challengers to incumbent mayor Benjamin Magalong. His wife, Soledad Go, is seeking to succeed him as Baguio’s representative in the House of Representatives.

Ifugao

In Ifugao, the congressional race is a battle between contractors. Incumbent representative Solomon Chungalao, a grizzled lawyer, will be gunning for his last term against three public works contractors.

Valdoboyd Ngipol of the PDP-Laban party is the proprietor of Bodyrock Construction, Francis Cuyop (Partido Federal ng Pilipinas or PFP) is the proprietor of 3K Rock Engineering, and Nelson Ayoc (Independent) heads the NBA5 Architectural Design and Construction.

Prominently absent in the local elections is former Rep. Teddy Baguilat, who decided to become a party list candidate for Mamamayang Liberal.

In the gubernatorial race, incumbent Gov. Jerry Dalipog is running against former Gov. Eugene Balitang (PFP), Romy Ballatong (Independent), and Rolando Paligan (Independent).

For vice governor, Glenn Prudenciano is hoping to win his last term against Lagawe Mayor Martin Habawel Jr.

Mountain Province

In Mountain Province, Gov. Bonifacio Lacwasan is seeking a third term against former Sagada mayor Eduardo Latawan Jr. Incumbent Rep. Maximo Dalog Jr. is seeking reelection unopposed.

Most of those in the municipal level in these three Central Cordillera provinces are two-way contests, usually pitting the incumbent against a graduating councilor. Notable contests in Benguet include the capital town of La Trinidad, Bokod, and Tublay, where three to five candidates are vying for the post vacated by the retiring mayor.

Also interesting is Tuba, where the lone woman mayor in Benguet, Clarita Sal-ongan, is being challenged by four men.

In Ifugao, most are two-way contests at the municipal level except in Hungduan and Kiangan, where incumbent mayors Casan Dumulan and Raldis Bulayungan are seeking reelection uncontested.

Interesting races for mayor in Mountain Province include the capital town of Bontoc with incumbent Chadsen Tudlong running against former mayor Franklin Odsey and Eusebio Kabluyen; Sagada with incumbent Felicito Gula against Michael Conrad Aben and Joe Anthony Lalwet; and Paracelis with incumbent Marcos Ayangwa running against Randy Awisan. Mayors Constito Masweng of Tadian and Marcial Lawilaw Jr. of Sabangan are the only unopposed reelectionists in Mountain Province.

Kalinga

In Kalinga, it can be worth noting that among the governors, almost all were elected to only a single term except for Jocel Baac, who became governor from 2010 to 2019.

The province has 36 ili or tribal communities, autonomous and self-sustaining in governance, although, unlike a tribe, they have no single chieftain to submit to. Relationships among ili are made through the bodong, an agreement or treatise between two ilis. There are rules in these bodongs called the pagta, the fragile bond that binds an ili to the other. When a violation occurs and amends are not immediately made, the bodong ruptures, and a tribal war might ensue.

In barangay politics, many bodong holders were also elected as village captains. But in the larger arena, elected Kalingas are more often those with high educational backgrounds.

The spirit of the bodong insists that only one of the 32 ilis will dominate the politics in Kalinga.

Incumbent Gov. James Edduba will run against former Gov. Jocel Baac, the current vice governor.

Rep. Allen Jesse Mangaoang’s term will end in the congressional race, so three neophytes will try their hands: Caroline Agyao (PFP), Sacrament Gumilab (Independent), and Steve Ludan (Nationalist People’s Coalition). Four candidates will also try to replace Baac for vice governor.

Tabuk City will only have one mayoral candidate: incumbent Mayor Darwin Estranero. Of the seven towns, only Tanudan’s mayoral race has been decided, with Jaedicke Rhoiss Dagadag as the lone candidate. The rest are one-on-one fights except in Pinukpuk, which has four. Only Pasil has a female mayoral candidate in Kalinga.

Neighbors of Ilocos

In Apayao and Abra, two Cordillera provinces neighboring the Ilocos region, dynastic politics has taken deeper hold.

Apayao

When that fragile hyphen still united Kalinga and Apayao, they were still part of Region II together with Ifugao. Their brand of politics in the top level was also Ilocano.

In 1954, then President Ramon Magsaysay established the National Resettlement and Rehabilitation Administration (Narra) to resettle dissidents and landless farmers. The Ilocanos took advantage of the program, and many settled in sparsely populated Kalinga-Apayao.

The representative of the hyphenated province before martial law was Felipe B. Almazan, who originally came from Bantay, Ilocos Sur. During the regular Batasang Pambansa from 1984 to 1986, the province was represented by David M. Puzon, who was assassinated in November 1986 just outside Manila.

He was replaced by William Claver, a migrant from Mountain Province whose politics was progressive. In 1992, Elias K. Bulut, a former schoolteacher and mayor of Calanasan, replaced Claver as congressman. On Valentine’s Day of 1995, Kalinga and Apayao separated.

Ranel Ram Cheng’s 2018 paper, “Political Dynasties, and Province Creation” describes this separation as “legislative-led gerrymandering.”

“What is clear, however, is that political dynasties were able to maneuver through constraints set in place by the Local Government Code of 1991 that were supposedly crafted in the era of decentralization as democratization. To an extent, the creation of new provinces did allow the entry of new political players in these new jurisdictions, but as is often the case, they were most likely to be new dynastic clans themselves,” Cheng said.

As for Apayao, he added: “The division of the former Kalinga-Apayao province, whose capital was located in the sub-province of Kalinga, was too far from the hometown of the Bulut clan, whose influence largely centered in the Apayao area. In establishing two separate provinces, they became among the few clans who held long uninterrupted rule over both the governorship and congressional seat, by rotating these positions among three family members only.”

Elias Kirtug Bulut, the patriarch, was mayor of Calanasan prior to that and then became either governor or congressman for 20 years until he died in 2015. He had been swapping positions with his son, Elias Jr. or Butzy. Upon the elder Bulut’s death, the son changed positions with his sister, Dr. Eleanor Bulut-Begtang.

This time, Elias Jr. will run for his last term as governor against another unknown, Domingo Purieng. daughter Kyle will have no opponent as vice governor. Dr. Begtang is also running uncontested as a congresswoman. Elias Jr.’s brother Shamir is running unopposed as Calanasan mayor.

Also running unopposed in the mayoral race in Apayao are Bensmar Ligwang in Kabugao town and Evelyn Martinez in Sta. Marcela. The others are one-on-one fights for mayor, with one woman, Jessica de San Jose, running in Flora. The De San Joses have also been ruling their town for decades.

Abra

Abra also has bodong, but most are in the upland Tingguian areas. Bodong galvanized resistance against the Chico River Dam construction and the Cellophil Resources Corp. in Kalinga and Upper Abra in the 1970s. Still, overall, the politics of Abra is patterned after those of the neighboring Ilocos region.

“The sociocultural landscape of the Cordillera also plays a significant role in explaining why Abra and Apayao only have provincial-level dynasties. Looking into the recent Abra demographics, Abra is dominated by Ilocanos and succeeded by Itnegs, while the Isnegs dominate Apayao,” said Dizon of SLU.

“Unlike with Benguet, Ifugao, Kalinga, and Mt Province, these provinces are characterized by diverse ethnolinguistic subcultural groups and clan system politics, which does not allow for the same level of political consolidation seen in more homogenous areas such as in Apayao, Abra, or the lowlands. This fragmentation has limited the rise of dominant provincial-level political families,” he added.

Abra, which has the most extended participation in national politics among the other Cordillera provinces, was always dominated by Ilocano families like the Villamors, Ortegas, Purugganans, Zapatas, Paredeses, Barberos, Bersamins and Valeras.

In 2006, Vicente “Vicsyd” Paredes Valera was governor, while his cousin, Luis “Chito” Purugganan Bersamin Jr., was the congressman. Valera had been governor after the Edsa Revolution in 1986, while Bersamin was just in his first term after being mayor of the capital town of Bangued.

But in December 2006, Bersamin was assassinated in a church in Quezon City. Earlier on Jan. 13, 2006, La Paz Mayor Ysrael Bernos was assassinated in his hometown allegedly by his vice mayor. The young Bernos was then the head of the opposition in Abra. He was also the best friend of Victor Rodriguez, who would later become the executive secretary of President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. Later, Rodriguez was replaced by Bersamin’s brother, former Chief Justice Lucas Bersamin.

Almost 10 years later, in 2016, Valera was sentenced for masterminding Bersamin’s murder. Freddie Dupo, the La Paz mayor who was also the main suspect in the killing of Bernos, became a state witness and said that it was Valera who ordered Bersamin’s killing.

With the fall of Valera, the opposition began to rule Abra. Bersamin’s brother Eustaquio became the governor, while another oppositionist, Lagayan Mayor Cecelia Luna, became the representative.

Another Valera (although unrelated), Dominic Valera, then the mayor of Bangued, would replace Eustaquio Bersamin as governor. While Dominic Valera’s daughter and the widow of Ysrael Bernos, Joy Bernos, would become the representative.

Later, Ysrael’s brother, Joseph Sto. Nino “JB” Bernos, who was La Paz mayor, would replace Joy in 2016.

Eventually, with his close ties to the Dutertes, JB Bernos would become the province’s political kingpin. In 2022, he would relinquish his seat as the Abra representative to his wife, Menchie, and return as mayor of La Paz. He would become the president of the League of Municipalities of the Philippines.

Abra is the outlier in the region. While most Cordillera provinces resist dynastic rule, it is home to what political science instructor Karin Bangsoy calls a “fat dynasty.”

“In political science, fat dynasties refer to multiple people from the same family occupying different positions all at once,” she said.

“In 2016, less than half, or 32%, of elected politicians in Abra are considered fat dynastic,” said Inclusive Democracy Research. The most common surnames from governor to vice mayor are Valera and Barona, with five, followed by Bernos, Balao-as, and Seares, with four. Seven surnames had three.

The only Cordillera province “fatter” than Abra is Apayao, with 36 percent considered fat dynastic.

In 2022, in Abra, PCIJ counted six Bernoses, three Valeras, and three Crisologos. Eight towns have mayors and vice mayors with the same surnames, most of them couples.

For 2025, JB Bernos has aligned with former governor Eustaquio “Takit” Bersamin and his niece, former board member Anne Bersamin, who are running for the gubernatorial and vice gubernatorial seats.

The Bersamins are challenging JB Bernos’ sister-in-law and Ysrael’s widow, Jocelyn “Joy” Valera-Bernos, and her son, Bangued Vice Mayor Kiko, in the vice gubernatorial and gubernatorial races, respectively.

Dominic Valera plans to return as Bangued mayor, while his wife Mila is running for the province’s lone congressional seat against JB Bernos.

The rest of the province is almost the same. However, interestingly, there are four towns where the uncontested candidate for mayor is a woman. These are Daguioman (Yang-yang Padilla), Danglas (Esther Bernos, JB’s mother), La Paz (Nina Bernos, JB Bernos’ daughter), and Langiden (Izel Palecpec).

Boliney (Ronald Balao-as) and San Juan (Ari Bautista) are the other towns with lone candidates.

Another JB Bernos’ daughter is Jaja, who is running for mayor of Bucay against Jay Go.

Female candidates for mayor are running in Lacub, Lagangilang, Penarrubia, Pidigan, Pilar, San Isidro, Tayum, Tubo, and Villaviciosa.

Bangued, Bucay, Pilar, Pidigan, and Tineg are seen as hotspots, where Edwin Crisologo will be battling Lenin Benwaren for mayor.

Low women participation

Male dominance in leadership roles remains a reality in indigenous communities in the Philippines, and the Cordillera is an example.

According to PCIJ’s estimates, women make up less than 20% of candidates for elective positions in these four provinces.

Benguet has the fewest, with only 42 female candidates from governor to vice mayor out of 356, or 11.8 percent. No woman ran for any position in Mankayan, while there was one each in Bakun and Sablan.

Baguio has nine women running out of 57 candidates, or 15.8%.

Mountain Province has only 32 women candidates out of 267, or 12%. There were no women candidates in Sabangan, while there were only two in Barlig.

Ifugao has 45 women from the 279 total candidates, or 16%. One woman is running in Hingyon, and two each in Alfonso Lista and Asipulo.

There were 31 women among 175 candidates, or 17.7%, in Kalinga. One woman candidate was in Rizal town, and two each in Tanudan and Tinglayan.

The two “fat dynastic” provinces of Abra and Apayao have more women candidates.

Abra has the most candidates running in 2025, with 519. Of these, 113 are women or 21.77%. More than 25% of all Apayao candidates, or 30 out of 119, are women, and Cordillera provinces have the highest number of women.

Overall, the Cordillera has 302 women running out of the 1,772 candidates, or 17% of all candidates.

Political analyst Karin Bangsoy said male dominance in leadership roles is a reality not only in the Cordillera but across the Philippines, driven by several factors rooted in pervasive misogyny in the public consciousness, she said.

“Insofar as the dap-ay, tongtongan, and bodong are community mechanisms for resolving disputes, preserving peace, and discussing salient community issues, these are not necessarily limiting mechanisms for women in political office,” she said.

Despite the dominance of men in elected positions, Bangsoy said many Cordilleran women continue to lead both within and outside government.

“The Cordillera has several government line agencies staffed and headed by competent women bureaucrats. The region also has a number of active women’s organizations in our civil society, from barangay women’s associations to mass movements. Women’s empowerment as a political project is not limited to political office,” she said.

Read more: There’s a treasure trove where indigenous music, culture and history meet

The post Cordillera’s cultural norms push back against political dynasties appeared first on CoverStory.

Was the parish priest a “kakampink”? Maybe yes, maybe no. What is certain is that on that Sunday, March 22, 2022, most if not all of the priests in the Philippines and the rest of the world were wearing pink. It was then the fourth Sunday of Lent (March 30 this year), which the Catholic Church celebrates as Laetare Sunday.

“Laetare” is the Latin word for “joy” or “rejoice.” On Laetare Sunday, the Church expresses joy and hope during the austere period of Lent which calls for fasting, reflection, repentance and penance. Although optional, the tradition of using the color pink or rose to indicate this message of joy dates back to the 11th century.

Heart of the faith 

Speaking ahead of the noon Marian prayer of the Angelus in March 2021, Pope Francis reflected on why the fourth Sunday of Lent has such a joyful focus. He said the reason can be found in the Gospel: “For God so loved the world that He gave His only Son, so that everyone who believes in Him might not perish but might have eternal life” (Jn 3:16).

“This joyful message is the heart of the Christian faith,” the Pope said. “God’s love found its summit in the gift of his Son to a weak and sinful humanity.” 

The doctrine of the Incarnation, which states that God became flesh in the person of Jesus Christ and that He is fully human and fully divine, is a central dogma of the Christian faith.

This belief is particularly stated in the Nicene Creed: “I believe in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Only Begotten Son of God, born of the Father before all ages. God from God, Light from Light, true God from true God, begotten, not made, consubstantial with the Father, through Him all things were made.”

The joyful message of God’s love making a way for believers through Jesus is a break from the somber period of Lent, when priests wear purple. 

Colors and seasons

In the Catholic liturgical norms, the use of pink, purple, or another color is neither random nor according to a priest’s like or dislike, favorite color, or available vestment. Specific vestment colors are designated for different feasts or celebrations.

Writing in EWTN Global Catholic Network, Fr. William Saunders says there are two reasons for the use of certain colors. “First, the colors highlight the particular liturgical season and the faithful’s journey through these seasons,” he says. “Second, the colors punctuate the season by highlighting a particular event or particular mystery of faith.”

There are six seasons in the Church’s liturgical calendar: Advent, Christmas, Lent, Sacred Paschal Triduum, Easter and Ordinary Time.

Purple is the color to signify penance and sacrifice during the four-week Advent season to prepare for the celebration of Jesus’ birth. Purple is also worn by priests during the six-week period of Lent before Easter.

The Sacred Paschal Triduum, the most solemn period in the liturgical year, commemorates the passion, death and resurrection of Jesus. It starts from the evening of Holy Thursday and ends on Holy Saturday. The colors used are red and white.   

White is worn during the Holy Thursday Mass, which commemorates the Last Supper and institution of the Eucharist (Holy Mass). Red is worn during Good Friday, which commemorates the crucifixion and death of Jesus. During the Easter Vigil Mass on Holy Saturday, which marks the end of Lent and the start of Eastertide or the Easter Season, priests wear white or gold as a symbol of purity and to celebrate Jesus’ resurrection. 

During Ordinary Time (or the time before or after the seasons of Christmas, Lent, Easter and Advent), priests wear green, which represents life, growth and hope. It is divided into two periods: the first being the four to eight weeks from Christmas to Lent, and the second, from Easter to Advent. It is the time when the faithful learn about Jesus’ teachings, life and work. 

But the wearing of white is not limited to the periods of Christmas and Easter. White vestments are also used for the feasts of Jesus (except those referring to His passion), such as the Baptism of the Lord, Corpus Christi, Solemnity of the Most Sacred Heart of Jesus, Ascension of the Lord, and Solemnity of Christ the King. 

Priests also wear white when they celebrate the feasts of the Blessed Virgin Mary, such as the Feast of the Visitation of Mary, Solemnity of Mary’s Assumption, and Immaculate Conception. White is likewise worn to honor the angels, the saints who were not martyrs, the Solemnity of St. Joseph, and the Feasts of All Saints, St. John the Baptist, St. John the Evangelist, the Chair of St. Peter, and the Conversion of St. Paul. 

Red is another color used in liturgical celebrations. It is a symbol of God’s love and fire, the believers’ sacrifice, and their shedding of blood. It is used during Palm Sunday (when Jesus entered Jerusalem to prepare for His death), Good Friday, any other commemoration of Jesus’ passion, the Mass of the Precious Blood, the Feast of the Pentecost, the days marking the martyrdom of the apostles (except St. John), and the feasts of other martyrs who offered their lives for the faith. 

Priests wear red when they celebrate Mass on Sept. 28, the Feast Day of the Filipino martyr St. Lorenzo Ruiz.

Pink Sundays

Pink is the least used color in the liturgical calendar. Aside from the fourth Sunday of Lent or Laetare Sunday, the only other time priests use it is the third Sunday of Advent or Gaudete Sunday. (“Gaudete” is another Latin word for “rejoice.”) 

The pink Sundays serve as a pause from the faithful’s sacrifices and repentance during the somber seasons of Advent and Lent when purple is worn. During the purple period, the singing or saying of the Gloria (“Glory to God in the highest”), the singing or saying of the Alleluia before the Gospel, decorating the altar with flowers, among others, are not allowed. 

During Laetare Sunday, however, these no-nos are tossed out. The faithful can sing of joy and hope, sing the Alleluia before hearing the Gospel, and be reminded of the glory of God. 

So when priests wear pink, are they making a political statement?

Maybe. But based on the Church norms, the answer is a definite no. When priests wear pink, they are making a statement of faith and hope. On Gaudete Sunday, the message is: Joy to the world, the Lord is come. Merry Christmas! And on Laetare Sunday, the message is: Christ is risen. Alleluia!

Read more: Marking Ash Wednesday and recalling Pope Francis’ call to ‘return to God with all our heart’

The post When the Pope and priests wear pink appeared first on CoverStory.

Eduardo Aliño, chair of SBMA, issued instructions to review the specifics of its extended leasehold agreement with Silver Dragon Cruises Inc. (SDCI) after a board meeting following the arrests. 

In July 2000 SDCI was granted a leasehold agreement to rehabilitate Pier 684 and operate a ferry service within Subic Bay. Two years later, it entered into a lease and development agreement with SBMA to develop the islands of Grande and Chiquita, but it eventually assigned its leasehold rights to GFTG Holdings Corp. 

In January 2019 GFTG Holdings brought in Sanya CEDF Sino-Philippine Tourism Investment Corp., a Chinese company, as its biggest shareholder with 79.99% ownership of the firm.

The SBMA board of directors withdrew its consent to the change in the control and ownership of GFTG in May 2019, saying that the change was made without its approval. 

“It’s still a Philippine-registered company but Chinese-owned. SBMA has not yet given its consent to change in ownership,” said SBMA communications head Armie Llamas.

SBMA also deferred a proposal of the Chinese company to build hotels and recreational facilities in Grande and Chiquita, citing certain problems about their proposed activities.

Intel-based arrests

Last March 26, the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) presented six Chinese nationals it had arrested in Grande. The arrests were based on an Intelligence report the NBI had received from the Armed Forces of the Philippines on March 17 and as part of its operation to serve an arrest warrant on one of them, Qiu Feng, for alleged involvement in the kidnapping of a minor and in online gambling activities in Porac, Pampanga.

According to the military information, the Chinese were suspected of carrying out covert intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance operations on critical infrastructures in Central Luzon.

At a news conference in Pasay City on March 26, NBI executive officer Van Homer Angluben and spokesperson Ferdinand Lavin presented to the media five Chinese nationals, a Cambodian and a Filipino along with confiscated mobile phones, passports, and a pistol.

An NBI press release cited investigation results and witness accounts showing that the Chinese were in Grande for supposed recreational fishing. They were utilizing hi-tech drones purportedly to transport fishing bait in conducting alleged surveillance on naval assets, including those of local forces and of allied nations passing the island, the NBI said. 

Grande is a strategic vantage point with a clear view of key sea lanes in the West Philippine Sea, including Scarborough Shoal. According to the NBI, the island allows the alleged spies to monitor naval assets entering and exiting Subic Bay during maritime patrols or joint naval exercises.

Authorities found that one of the Chinese, identified as Qiu Feng but whose real name is Ye Tianwu aka Qing Feng, was the subject of an arrest warrant issued by the Regional Trial Court Branch 63 in Tarlac City for violation of Republic Act No. 8799, or the Securities Regulation Code. 

On March 19, NBI agents led by Director Judge Jaime Santiago, together with military Intelligence officers and SBMA law enforcers, served Tianwu’s warrant and carried out pursuit operations.

Also arrested were He Peng aka Nan Ke, Xu Xining, Ye Xiaocan, Dick Ang, and Su Anlong. Their Filipino bodyguard, identified as Melvin Aguillon, was also taken for possession of an unregistered firearm. They were all brought to the NBI’s main headquarters in Manila.

Surveillance photos, vids

Authorities confiscated fake Bureau of Internal Revenue documents and identification cards, one 9-mm pistol and 16 rounds of 9-mm bullets, several electronic gadgets, and a piece of paper with Chinese markings that, when translated, stated the date, time and the vessels that left and entered the freeport.

The gadgets were later found to contain surveillance photos and videos, including photos of a US naval vessel and of Subic’s naval operating base sent to various Chinese personalities through social media platforms.

The Chinese were presented for inquest proceeding at the Office of the Provincial Prosecutor in Bataan for violations of Commonwealth Act No. 616 or the Espionage Law, Articles 172 (Falsification by Private Individuals and Use of Falsified Documents) and 178 (Using Fictitious Name and Concealing True Name) of the Revised Penal Code, RA No. 10591 (Comprehensive Firearms and Ammunition Regulation Act), and the Commission on Elections gun ban. 

Subic Naval Base was once the largest US naval facility outside the US mainland until its lease agreement expired in 1991 and its extension was rejected by the Philippine Senate. The US military pulled out a year later when Mount Pinatubo erupted.

Read more: Jubilation, relief, and a little disappointment on the West Philippine Sea

The post Lease of Grande Island under review after arrest of Chinese spy suspects appeared first on CoverStory.

The name “Cibo,” meaning “food” in Italian, had the nuts and bolts in my head clicking in place. “Sure,” I told Alma in reply to her Facebook message, “I’ve not been there in years.”

Cibo stirs many pleasant memories of dining with dear ones: legendary copy editor Rustie Otico at the Gateway Cubao branch, where we stayed until closing hour; editor Chato Garcellano and my husband Rolly Fernandez, when I had a whole tiramisu to myself; psychologist Dr. Margie Holmes at the Glorietta branch; and my sisters, with whom I savored good food along with bonding time. I particularly remember the squid-ink pasta that I enjoyed with Margie and that blackened the gaps between my teeth, so much so that she handed me a toothbrush as soon as we returned to her hotel room.

I got to Cibo ahead of Alma and immediately the wait staff escorted me to a table for two near the kitchen and dessert cooler. That was what I have always found impressive about the place: the prompt and efficient service. I cooled off from the walk I enjoyed earlier with a tall glass of mint iced tea. Before I could finish it, Alma arrived, huffing from her walk from the MRT terminal.

We decided to split our orders of squash soup, with a dollop of cream in our respective bowls, and seafood spaghetti. While we dined, we updated each other on our lives and families, our writing gigs, our shared advocacy, the Maningning Foundation poetry competition, what dormant book manuscripts we had in our files, even gossip (more out of concern) about our common friends. Alma said she had a ready collection of essays amassed from recent years and asked for recommendations of prospective publisher/s.

Our soup was warm and comforting with the right sweetness coming from the squash. “Mushroom soup would’ve been as delicious,” Alma said. I agreed. Our split order of spaghetti was filling and had the right amount of mussels and squid rings, the pasta perfectly al dente.

When my companion asked for suggestions for her dessert, I recommended the panna cotta (mango, not strawberry). She wasn’t disappointed and licked her teaspoon of the last morsel of panna cotta just as I did with the bombolini, the Italian doughnut with a custard filling. The pastry was coated in caramelized sugar.

At one point while Alma was animatedly speaking, she knocked over a drinking glass which shattered in several pieces on our table. I promptly told her not to touch anything and to leave the mop-up to the staff. Three members of the wait staff were by our side pronto; they addressed the situation and replaced her glass with warm water, her specification. As though nothing had happened. When she offered to pay for the damage, they declined to accept any payment.

Serendipitously, our dinner date fell on March 23 which happened to be the birthday of Cibo’s founder-chef patron, the recently deceased Margarita “Gaita” Forés. 

Her pictures are prominently displayed in the restaurant’s premises. So are her words: “My mission is to make life and living more beautiful and delicious for others.”

I hope her only son Amado continues that mission.

The post Gaita Forés’ first birthday in eternity gives us a Cibo kind of love appeared first on CoverStory.