(Last of two parts) 

In congressional districts, cities and municipalities, some dynasties—the Apostols of Leyte, the Felixes of Cainta, Rizal, and the Eusebios of Pasig City—were also dislodged from their perch by neophytes. 

The octogenarian Sergio Apostol lost to businessman Henry Ong in the congressional race in Leyte’s second district in 2016. 

It was an in-your face victory. Ong, whose family owned the grocery chain Cherry Foodarama before it was sold to the Sys, not only ended Apostol’s years-long reign, but burst the bubble of dynasts in the province. No one’s invincible. 

Leyte is a haven of dynasts, like many provinces in the country. The governorship is held by the Petillas, and its four districts are apportioned among the Romualdezes, Dazas, Gomezes—and the Apostols, until 2016. 

In the campaign, the 44-year-old Ong fought the 81-year-old Apostol toe to toe, according to Donabel Tumandao, a former professor and resident of Dulag town, Leyte. 

She wrote a thesis on the rise of the Apostols and the emergence of challengers against them for her master’s degree in political science at the University of the Philippines Diliman in 2023. 

Ong had money but had to build a “mobilization structure” by hiring Apostol’s own strategists and tapping local leaders. For his part, Apostol enjoyed the backing of incumbent mayors, Tumandao said. 

But unlike Apostol, Ong campaigned in all of the district’s 501 barangays and spoke to as many residents as possible, leveraged social media, ran an anticorruption campaign and framed the election as a battle between the young and old. 

In the end, he succeeded at leveling the electoral game of money and politics and won by a margin of about 12,000 votes. 

Strong challenger 

Before 2016, the Apostol dynasty had been in decline over its lack of political descendants, intra-family conflict and allegations of corruption, according Tumandao, a former political science professor at the University of the Philippines (UP) Tacloban. 

Of their six children, only daughter Anlie was in politics. She was elected mayor of Carigara town in 2004, replacing her mother Ebbie, before winning as provincial board governor in 2010. She was convicted for murder years later. 

As the clan showed vulnerabilities, a strong challenger emerged in the person of Ong, Tumandao said.  

Ebbie was elected provincial board member in 2016 and won another term (2019–2022).  No other family member is running in this year’s midterms. 

“It’s not impossible entirely for them to make a comeback and capitalize on the Apostol name. But if their absence is prolonged, given no family member is interested, it will be quite difficult,’’ Tumandao, who was not yet born when the Apostol patriarch won his first term as a congressman in 1992, told the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ).  

In 2019, Ong lost his reelection bid to Karen Lolita Javier, wife of Sandy Javier, owner of food chain Andok’s and incumbent Leyte vice governor. Ong lost again to Javier in a rematch in 2022. Javier is seeking a third term on May 12.   

Well-known journalist 

In Cainta, a first-class municipality in Rizal province, former ABS-CBN TV reporter Mon Ilagan also defeated Nic Felix of the prominent Felix clan in the 2004 mayoral race. He won two more terms until 2013.   

When he joined the fray, Ilagan was enjoying a high credibility as a TV journalist. He was a new face, and ran on a campaign of reforms, which resonated with voters, including migrants, according to Raymund John Rosuelo. 

“Mon Ilagan was quite a well-known journalist. He appears on TV every day. It’s not as if people don’t know him. You see him every night. When he ran, people were aware of him, he had credibility and generally positive and 100-percent awareness factor. That helped him,” he told PCIJ.   

Rosuelo also wrote a thesis on the erosion of the Felix clan’s political dominance for his master’s degree in political science at De La Salle University in 2016.    

But there were other factors, too. Ilagan was backstopped by the Ynares dynasty of Rizal, which had a falling out with erstwhile allies, the Felix clan. After the results were tallied, a big percentage of his votes came from a growing population of migrants who owed no loyalty to any politician, he observed. 

“Most of the votes of Ilagan came from the migrant voters. Those in the peripheries. Over three electoral cycles they would vote for a new candidate,’’ he said. 

That he won two more terms meant that his victory was “no fluke,’’ said Rosuelo, who taught political science at University of Makati and now heads the Commission on Human Rights’ research division. 

“Mon was popular among his constituents, just like Vico [Sotto],’’ he said. 

After completing three full terms, Ilagan also fielded his wife for mayor but she lost, in what Rosuelo called an attempt at “self-perpetuation.” 

Reformist, charismatic image 

Ilagan’s win heralded the mayoral victory of Vico Sotto, who ended the Eusebio clan’s reign in 2019 in neighboring Pasig City. Sotto is seeking a third term in May, and has promised no family member will run for his post after his stint. 

“Primarily, the voters have grown tired of the Eusebios,’’ Dennis Coronacion, chair of the University of Santo Tomas’ (UST) Department of Political Science, told PCIJ. 

The level of development on the Eusebios’ watch has remained the same over the years “with little improvement,’’ said the professor, a Pasig City resident who voted for Sotto. 

Besides, Sotto, who had an insider look at the city’s problems as a councilor, presented an “alternative way of governance” that appealed to the residents, he added. 

“But some start out as a reformist, but it turns out it’s just an image. Good for us, Vico Sotto is not like that,’’ he said. 

Sotto’s charisma and public dissatisfaction with the Eusebios were a potent combination that led to the clan’s downfall, observed Paul Micah Francisco, an instructor of political science at the UST Department of Political Science. 

“With his charisma, experience and education, he beat the Eusebios,’’ he said. 

If Sotto wins in May, he will be serving three full terms as mayor, like Ilagan. 

Reclaiming power will be an uphill battle for the Eusebios and other clans like them, Coronacion said. 

“Once you’re not in power, it’s hard to go back,’’ he said. “Those who replaced you, they’re definitely going to consolidate their power so that any challenger will not be able to mount a successful comeback.” 

When dynasties become dormant, doors open for independent candidates coming from different sectors and offering a new set of programs, said Ma. Ela Atienza, political science professor at UP Diliman.  

She cited the cases of Pampanga Gov. Eduardo “Among Ed” Panlilio, Isabela Gov. Padaca, and Dinagat Islands Gov. and Rep. Arlene “Kaka” Bag-ao, although they served for at least one term.  

“But when they are replaced by a similar political dynasty that will dominate politics, it’s still not competitive. So if the participation of nonmembers of dynasties is limited, nothing has changed,’’ Atienza told PCIJ. 

For instance, human rights lawyer Jejomar Binay ended the reign of the Yabuts in Makati City only to begin his own dynasty there.  

Still, there are bright hopes among the ranks of Sangguniang Kabataan (SK) leaders who are independent, break the mold of traditional politics and have good initiatives, Atienza said. 

“We met some youth leaders at the SK level who had good programs such as reproductive health,’’ she said. “There are up and coming new leaders who just need our support, and media attention.”

Read more: Even the mightiest political dynasties fall silent—and fade away